CHAPTER I Introduction - Shodhganga

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CHAPTER I

Introduction

The Portuguese in the process of their expansion into the Indian Ocean set up different types of urban units on the maritime fringes for the purpose of meeting their diverse needs, particularly for the promotion of trade and for mobilizing resources for their political processes. The Portuguese, who conquered Goa in 1510 for the purpose of locating their power centre permanently in Asia, made frequent modifications and alterations in its existing urban space until there appeared a new type of city that facilitated and accelerated the augmentation of trade and resource mobilization in the way they desired. While in most cases of India, cities were formed out of the dynamics of trade, what happened in Goa was the creation of a city with royal decrees for the purpose of settling the soldier-turned-Portuguese civil population for the state and for using that social base for the expansion of Portuguese power and commerce in Asia. With the intensification of trade by these Portuguese married people, who were known as casados, a spatialization process meeting the variegated demands of the power groups as well as social elites and corresponding to the nature of wealth that they accumulated by way of trade started appearing in Goa. By grafting European urban institutions onto the existing space of the city of Goa, the Portuguese conveyed new meanings of urbanism to emerge in India, although these meanings were inherently linked with their notions of hegemonic exercise of power and monopolistic hold over commerce in the Indian Ocean. In this process the city of Goa was made to evolve as the core centre, where the essential properties of their system of social relations were intensely concentrated and spatially articulated. Its city-space became the platform through which the logic of domination was continuously articulated and re-asserted through architectural and social mechanisms in a way sufficiently communicable to the various commercial and political actors of the Indian Ocean. Needless to say that by analyzing the nuanced process of urbanization in Goa, one may be able to decode

the different types of meanings that the Portuguese accumulated in their power centre over a considerable span of time for the purpose of their diverse political and commercial engagements in the Indian Ocean world. 1

The occupation of the port-city of Goa was one of the earliest agenda of the Portuguese, when centralized state control over the scattered Lusitanian possessions in the Indian Ocean was chalked out by Afonso Albuquerque in 1510 by creating hierarchies among their possessions. Goa was made to evolve at the top of their settlement-hierarchies, to which elements of urbanism were eventually infused in differing degrees by stimulating trade and also by engaging in spatial processes befitting its simultaneous evolution as their core power centre. With the shifting of the capital of Estado da India 2 from Cochin to Goa in 1530 followed by the localization of ecclesiastical power in the city, there appeared a series of changes in the urban format of Goa, where the physical structures and edifices were made to evolve as architectural devices and visual media for exteriorizing the much more nuanced socio-economic processes to which the city was increasingly made to get subjected. Alternately a wide variety of epithets adding colour and imagination to 1

For details on urbanization and the process of deconstructing and reconstructing urban spaces see

Philip Abrams,"Towns and Economic Growth: Some Theories and Problems", in Philip Abrams and E.A Wrigley(ed.), Towns in Societies: Essays in Economic History and Historical Sociology, Cambridge, 1978,

pp.9-l0; Shigeto Tsuru, " The Economic Significance of Cities", in Oscar

Handlin and John Burchard(ed.), The Historian and the City, Massachusetts, 1963, pp.44-55; Alan Baker, Geography and History: Bridging the Divide, Cambridge, 1003; David Harvey, Social Justice

and the City, Baltimore, 1973; David Harvey, Spaces of Capital, Oxford, 2001; Pius Malekandathil, " City in Space and Metaphor : A Study on the Port-City of Goa, 151 0-1700" in Studies in History, vol.XXV, No.1, January-June 2009, pp.l3-38; M.N. Pearson, "The Port City of Goa: Policy and Practice in the Sixteenth Century", in: Coastal Western India, New Delhi, 1981, 67-92; W. Rossa,

Cidades indo-portuguesas: contribuir;oes para o estudo do urbanismo portugues no Hindustiio Ocidental. I Indo-Portuguese Cities: A Contribution to the Study of Portuguese Urbanism in the Western Hindustan, Lisbon, 1997 2

For details on the Estado da India (literally State of India) see A.J.R Russell-Wood, 'A Brazilian

Commercial Presence Beyond Cape of Good Hope, l6 1h-19 1h Centuries', in Pius Malekandathil and Jamal Mohammed(eds.), The Portuguese, Indian Ocean and European Bridgeheads, pp i92-193.

2

the city space were profusely articulated around Goa to make it ever appealing externally, even when it was manipulated at the deeper levels for greater surplus appropriation and for larger political usages. Thus the epithets like rainha do oriente (the Queen of the Oriental Marts), a senhora de todo o oriente (the Mistress of entire East)

3

Goa Dourada( Golden Goa), "Treasury and Queen of the East", 4

"Rome of the East" 5 etc were attached to Goa at different time periods to have an appealing perception of the city at the surface level, which in tum was to conveniently hide the larger uses to which the city was transformed under the early colonial power.

The thesis proposes to study the various processes and mechanisms that the Portuguese resorted to for constructing a port-city in Goa befitting its position as their major resource mobilizing device and power centre in Asia. It also explores the multi-layered processes by which a commercially oriented civil population was culled out and created in the city as citizens out of the Portuguese military and migrant elements for the purpose of ensuring wealthy social base at the power centre. Furthermore it looks into how the early colonial state used this social base and the urban administrative and religious institutions including the municipalitydominated by Portuguese casados,jidalgos and the European clergy-as devices to extract and mobilize resources either from maritime trade or from the neighboring economies for the purpose of meeting the needs of the expanding sea-borne empire of the Portuguese. In this regard the thesis raises the significant issue of how and why city beautification and construction of status asserting urban edifices (housing charitable, educational and religious institutions and structures) was partly funded by private Portuguese wealth, despite the clashing interests of the commercially 3

Luis Camoes,Os Lusiadas, tran.by Landeg White, Oxford, 1997. The metaphors used by Camoes

have been quoted by Bois Penrose, Goa-Rainha do Orient. Lisboa, Comissao Ultramarina, 1960; Teotonio de Souza, Medieval Goa: A Socio-Economic History, New Delhi, 1979, p 173 4

Charles Fawcett & Richard Bum (eds.), The Travels of The Abbe Carre In India and The Near East

1672 To 1674., Voll. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1990, p 217. 5

William Crooke (ed.), John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia Being Nine Years

Travels 1672-1681, Vol II, Delhi, Asian Educational Services (Reprint), 1992, p 26.

3

orientated casado residents and the extractive early colonial State. An attempt to deconstruct the structure, composition and powers of urban administrative institutions such as the Camara municipal de Goa (Municipal Council of Goa), along with the analysis of the power composition of social groups, would illustrate the evolving early colonial strategies in accommodating the status claims and politico-economic aspirations of the militarily skilled and rich trading casados within the urban space of Goa. This would also bring out the nature of various components of power that got dispersed in the urban space, besides highlighting the meanings of domination that the Portuguese articulated using this urban space. Thus the study attempts at critically examining new angles in the evolution of the port city pf Goa as an "extractive and parasitical urban center"6 not only from the point of facilitating the power assertion of the early colonial Portuguese over the regional political potentates (such as the Ottomans, Bijapur sultans, the Zamorins , the mercantile Mapillas of Malabar, the Marathas etc) but also from the aspect of controlling and mobilizing men and resources (internally from within Portuguese spheres of influence in Asia) to cater to the politico-military and economic urgencies of the Estado.

Concurrently, it questions how the power construct within the evolving urban unitthrough edifices, institutional structures and re-arrangement of urban streets, market spaces and the riverside-were linked to the state formation processes of the Estado da India attempting to cohere the widely dispersed Portuguese pockets in Asia. On

the one hand it investigates the changing claims of the port city from a Lusitanian town to being an early colonial Christian capital, where the protectorate of St Francis Xavier was increasingly banked upon by the mercantile state to integrate the commercially moving Lusitanians and those residing in scattered Portuguese settlements in Asia with the structures of the Estado da India and as loyalists of the Padroado at Goa. Simultaneously there was the crafting of the city as an exclusive 6

For theoretical details on the extractive and parasitical nature of colonial cities see Anthony D.

King, 'Colonial Cities: Global Pivots of Change' in Robert Ross and Gerard J.Telkamp (ed.),Co/onial Cities: Essays on Urbanism in a Colonial Context. Leiden, 1985, pp 8-21.

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European Christian town with its western grid layout, sculptural and structural architecture of its Churches, educational and charitable edifices, basing the religious headquarters of various Catholic missionary Orders within the city, homogenization of religious, socio-cu_ltural and customary practices etc, which are all indicative of the potential of the Portuguese state in using the city and its urban forces for extending its ideological and cultural frontiers over the neighboring economies for politico-economic control. The study critically analyzes the changing policies and orientations of the Portuguese state in Goa which hitherto were simplistically explained as stemming from the inherent claims of politico-military superiority and cultural exclusivity by the early colonial West over the East.

Situating the Historiography

The present research on "Urbanization and Trade in Goa ( 151 0-1690)" obviously necessitates its location within the larger historiographical traditions. The historical literature on Indo-Portuguese history and the Portuguese domination over the portcity of Goa has been multi-layered echoing the varied ideological orientations of the scholars producing different historical narratives (and perceptions) over the years. The traditional Portuguese historians such as Alexandre Herculano/ J F F Martins,

8

J .H da Cunha Rivara9 etc., interpreted the original documents recording Portuguese

colonial intervention in India during the 16th and 17th centuries to illustrate the glory of the Portuguese imperial

pow~r

in the fields of navigation, geographical

discoveries, socio-religious superiority and politico-military control over the decadent Orient. The imperialist and positivist historical reconstructions of the Portuguese historians till 1975 marked a continuum with the Orientalist themes-

7

David Lopes (ed.), Alexandre Herculano, Historia da Origem e do Estabe/ecimento da lnquisicao

em Portugal, 3 Tomos, Lisbon. 8

J F F Martins, Historia de Misericordia de Goa, 1520-1910. 3 Vols, Nova Goa, 1910-1914.

9

J.H. da Cunha Rivara, Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, 9 Vols, Nova Goa, 1857-76; Ensaio Historico

da Lingua Concani. Goa, 1958

5

that predominated the intellectual knowledge production processes under Antonio Salazar's dictatorial regime-ofthe 'heroic ages of the geographical discovery' and the Portuguese glory in Asia. Such a historical outlook was exemplified in the imagery of "golden Goa" of the 16th century when the Portuguese imperialist power reached its pinnacle of navigational and military prowess followed by the later years of absolute decadence. 10 Thus these reconstructions involved the linear re-reading of contemporary Portuguese documents and records to produce a narrative that could be characterized as "knowledge for power" and eulogized the Portuguese military, politico-administrative, economic and socio-cultural achievements in Goa and Asia. Furthermore, these 'Eurocentric' reconstructions viewed the developments as instigated by a single unified 'Portuguese Empire' (Estado da India or the Portuguese State of India) headed by the Portuguese monarch. 11 However, the meticulous editing and judicious selection of documents by scholars like J H Cunha Rivara, Antonio Silva de Rego, 12 Antonio Baiao, 13 R.A. de Bulhao Pato 14 in works such as Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, Documental;iio para a Historia das Missoes do

Padroado Portugues do Oriente India, Docurnentm;iio Ultramarina Portuguesa

10

Luis Filipe Thomaz, ' Twenty Five Years of Research on Indo-Portuguese History.' In Fatima da

Silva Gracias, Celsa Pinto and Charles Borges (eds.), Indo-Portuguese History: Global Trends, Goa, 2003, p 8. 11

M N Pearson, Coastal Western India: Studies from the Portuguese Records, New Delhi, 1981, pp

xiii-xvii. 12

Antonio da Silva Rego (ed.), Documenta~iio para a Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues

do Oriente India, 12 Vols, Lisboa, 1948-1958; Documentos Remetidos da India au Livros das Monr;oes, vols. V-X, Lisboa, 1974-82;

Documenta~iio

Ultamarinha Portuguesa, Vols I-IV, Lisboa,

1960-1966. 13

Antonio Baiao (ed.) Afonso de Albuquerque, Cartas para e/ Rei D. Manuel/, Lisboa, 1942; A

/nquisir;tio de Goa, Vol I (lntrodur;tio a correspondencia dos fnquisidores da India, 1569-/630), Lisboa, 1949; A Inquisir;tio de Goa, Vol II, (Correspondencia dos fnquisidores da India 1569-1630), Coimbra, 1930. 14

Raymundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato (ed.) Documentos Remettidos da India ou Livros das Monr;oes,

vols. I-IV. Lisboa, 1880-1935; Raymundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato and H.Lopes de

Mendon~a

(eds.),

Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque seguidas de documentos que as e/ucidam, 7 Volumes, Lisboa, 1884-1935.

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etc., provide a rich historical reservoir accounting the complex activities of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean world and Goa, although their bias and preferences were obviously reflective on the processes of selection of the documents. For the present study such works prove beneficial in their faithful reproduction of a variety of manuscripts preserved in the archival repositories of Europe and Goa pertaining to the municipal activities of the Camara de Goa, the politico-economic and defense arrangements of the Estado da India. A large number of these edited documents were administrative dispatches from Lisbon contained in the royal a/varas, while some of them deal with contacts and engagements of the religious Orders of Goa as well as the customs and traditions of Goan society.

In stark contrast to the Portuguese historians of the period between 1920s and 1970s, which was marked by a propagandist desire for glorifying the 'age of Portuguese discoveries in Asia' in the way the totalitarian regime of Antonio Salazzar wanted, the historical literature of the Indian nationalist school of the 1950's and 60's characterized the Portuguese activities in India as being colored by the 'militant zeal of Catholicism'. Historical developments in Goa during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were understood in the context of conflicts and tensions resulting from power assertions of the Portuguese authority over local politico-economic and social structures. Furthermore, the Estado 's activities in the port-city were interpreted as the European state's experiments in transforming Goa as the early colonial bastion for broadcasting the Christian communities. Once again a monochromatic representation of contemporary sources was initiated to understand the Estado's inroads into Asia as seekers of "Christians and spices" projecting the Portuguese interface in Goa as a Christian conspiracy to colonize India using religion as a tool.

15

Inherent to such nationalist reconstructions of Goan

historians such as A.K. Priolkar 16 was the assumption that the Portuguese interface in Goa marked the beginning of the long period of colonial exploits in India 15

K N Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance, Kuala Lampur (reprint), 1993.

16

A.K. Priolkar, The Goa Inquisition, Bombay, 1961.

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precipitating the breakdown of the local economies and a socio-economic reorganization catering to the colonial interests in draining Indian wealth.

The urban development of the city of Goa and the Portuguese penetration of the provinces of Tiswadi, Bardez and Salcete during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were reconstructed to explain the decadence of Goa by the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries which were contrasted with the region's flourishing socio-economic structure in the pre-colonial period. Both schools of historiography engaged in a simplistic reading of the medieval sources without undertaking an intrinsic and extrinsic critique of source materials. Moreover the developments in Goa during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were bracketed as stemming from the impact of the "active" agent (the Portuguese) on the "passive" local society. However by the 1980's historiographical shifts from the pre-existing ideological and narrative trends in both Portugal and India were visible.

Scholars such as C.R Boxer and Vitorino Magalha.es Godinho in the 1950s and 1960s had examined a variety of sources to trace complex historical processes marking the Portuguese engagements in Asia in general and India in particular in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries deviating from the erstwhile myth of the "Golden age". Their works explored the basic characteristics marking different phases of the Portuguese empire in Asia such as the changing commercial and territorial assertions of the Estado from the period between 1500 and 1570s, which was primarily linked to the monopolist mercantile ambitions of the "Grocer king" Dom Manuel and Dom Joao III; and the period between 1570s and 1640s, when the concerns were less for territorial acquisitions and expansion of trade, but more for collection of taxes and customs overwhelmingly thrust on it under the growing Spanish influence. Similarly, the declining politico-commercial fortunes of the Portuguese enterprise in Asia during the seventeenth century were linked to the mercantile and naval contestations by the European companies primarily the Dutch,

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French

and

British.

This

revealed

how

significant

politico-economic

considerations-rather than ideological predominance of the religiously obsessed Portuguese monarchs in promoting Catholic Christianity-dictated the Estado 's policy orientations and colonial assertions from Goa. Thus, while Magalhaes Godinho 17 engaged with the study of the economy and finances of the Portuguese sea-borne empire, C.R Boxer 18 in his numerous publications examined new angles in the structure and functioning of the maritime mercantile enterprise and overseas empire of the Lusitanians. Intrinsic to such re-readings was the breakdown of the notion of a monolithic and dictatorial character of the Estado da India in regulating Portuguese trading, mercenary and missionary activities in the East. However the analysis primarily investigated the nature of the Portuguese sea-borne empire in the context of the dynamics stemming from diverse (and often conflicting) interests and objectives of the various social groups constituting the Portuguese community in Asia such as the fidalgos, the soldados, the casados, clergy, mariners, missionaries, private Portuguese traders etc. Thus while both historians hint at the role of the local element in influencing Portuguese activities within India and elucidated the power contestations between the Portuguese and its Asian maritime rivals such as the Ottoman Turks, the Zamorin, the ·mercantile Marakkar Muslims of Calicut etc., much of emphasis was still concentrated around exploring the nature and impact of the early colonial power on Asian society.

Nevertheless the pioneering works of Boxer and Godinho triggered new historical traditions by late 1970's in Portugal (after the end of Salazar's dictatorial regime in 1975) and India employing methodological trends based on deconstructing 17

Vitorino Magalhaes Godinho, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial, 4 vols. Editorial

Presenca Lis boa, 1981-84; Ibidem, Les Finances de L 'etat Portugais des lndes Orientales (1 5171635): Materiaux pour une Etude Structural/e et Conjoncturelle. Paris, 1982. 18

C.R Boxer, The Portuguese Sea-Borne Empire, 1415-1825. London, 1969; Ibidem, Portuguese

Society in the Tropics: The Municipal Councils ofGoa, Macao, Bahia and Luanda, 1510-1580 A.D. Madison, 1965; Ibidem, Portuguese in India in the Mid-Seventeenth Century. Delhi, 1980.

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Portuguese literary records that were written by the elites and for the elites; and, understanding constant adjustments and re-adjustments of the Estado and the private Portuguese enterprise in India partly owing to the politico-economic climate of Portugal and partly as a product of larger Asian realities. Luis Philip Thomaz, Arthur Teodoro de Matos and M.N Pearson analyze the historical processes shaping the Portuguese enterprise in Asia and Africa as a product of influences exerted by the Portuguese on the Asian life on the one hand and of the Asian people and societies upon the Portuguese on the other hand. Luis Filipe Thomaz 19 decoding the history of mentalities focused on analyzing the ideological and commercial intervention of the private Portuguese merchants, religious Orders and trading officials and soldiers in the Portuguese "strongholds" (such as the port-city of Goa and Cochin) and the "frontier" zones such as China, Japan, Coromandel and Bengal which remained outside the realm of official control. His investigations supported the argument that much of the Portuguese commercial engagements within Asia were not acquired on the basis of the Estado's sea-power. Thus he explored the nature of the Portuguese pockets scattered across the globe; engagements of private Portuguese traders (comprising of Goan casados, soldados, Portuguese New Christians, religious Orders and Portuguese exiles and renegades) with distant ports and supply zones; the Counter Reformation spirit and Council of Trent providing the ideological justification for the Estado 's initiating conversions and claims to Christian socio-cultural homogeneity and exclusivity through the agency of the missionaries and the various parish Churches. For our study such observations expose possibilities in establishing linkages between the changing ratio of 19

Luis Filipe Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor. Lisboa, 1994; Ibidem, 'A Crise de 1565-1575 na Historia

do Estado da India.' in Mare Liberum, 9 July 1995; Ibidem, 'The Portuguese in the Seas of the Archipelago during the 161h Century' in Archipel, 18, 1984; Ibidem, 'Portuguese Control on the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal-a Comparative Study'. Paper presentation at the Conference on Bay of Bengal, New Delhi, December 1994; Luis Filip Thomaz, 'Factions, Interests and Messianism: The Politics of Portuguese Expansion in the East, 1500-1521 ', Indian Economic and Social History Review 28, 1 (1991); Ibidem, 'Were The St. Thomas Christians looked upon as Heretics?' in, K.S Mathew, Teotonio De Souza, Pius Malekandathil (eds.), The Portuguese and the Socia Cultural Changes in India 1500-1800. Tellicherry, MESHAR, 2001

10

Portuguese private participation in Asian maritime commerce (relative to the monopoly trade of the Estado) and the evolving politico-ideological strategies of the early colonial state in controlling and mobilizing men and resources.

Arthur Teodoro de Matos20 studied the finances of the Portuguese through compiling and editing the annual budgetary allocations ( Or~amentos) of the Estado da India and fiscal benefices and grants by the state from the various archives of

Brazil and Europe. His publications reconstruct details of the income (receitas) and expenditure (despezas) of the Estado recorded at the port of Goa and Cochin for different years; and, scrutinizes annual financial flows to the state treasury at Goa from the various Portuguese factories and fortresses in the Indian Ocean littoral. Similarly articles such as "The Assets and Income of the Religious Orders in Goa" 21 reveal the role of the redistributive state through tracing fiscal and revenue grants (of the state and by the Portuguese traders) to the religious Orders and charitable institutions within Goa. Thus his careful edition of the

Or~amentos

of 1571 and

1580-1588 provides valuable data regarding the income of the Cidade de Goa (apart from the fortresses of Ormuz, Diu, Daman, Dabul, Bassein, Cochin etc.) which hint at the total share of income derived from maritime customs revenue. This enables us to reconstruct the dependence of the urban unit on the port, as tax and revenue collections from intra-Asian private maritime trade constituted the majority income of the Estado-this being reconfirmed through contemporary testimonies to tax exemptions on ships arriving from Lisbon. Thus such quantitative data suggest

20

Arthur Teodoro de Matos, 0 Estado do India nos Annas de 1581-1588. Estrutura administrative e

economia. Alguns Elementos para o seu Estudo. Ponta Delgada, Universidade dos

A~ores,

1982;

Ibidem, 0 Orr;amento do Estado da India, 1571. Centro do Estudo, Damiao de Gois, Lisboa; Ibidem, 'The Financial Situation of the State of India during the Philippine Period' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.), Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions. New Delhi, 1985; 21

Artur Teodoro de Matos, 'Assets and Income of the Religious Orders in Goa at the end ofthe 16'h

Century.' in Teotonio R. de Souza (ed.), Discoveries, Missionary Expansion and Asian Cultures. New Delhi, 1994.

1l

possibilities to co-relate the expanded maritime trade of the port, concentration of private mercantile wealth within the imperial city and the shifting trends of urban development and magnificence of the imperial capital by late 16th century. Our thesis engages in a comparative analysis of the annual budgets-using the data from Matos' collection of 1571, 1581 and 1588 budgets with other published Orvamentos of 1554, 1574, 1607-to examine trade surplus derived indirectly from the rate at which rents and revenues were farmed out at the port of Goa which also reveal the fluctuating volume of maritime trade. Similarly analysis of the income and expenditure of the Estado at Goa would highlight the redistributive nature of the early colonial state and politico-economic and administrative priorities of the Empire respectively. Such quantitative tools also help in decoding shifting spatial assertions within the urban unit and colonial strategies to consolidate diverse social spaces that stemmed from multiple social relations evolving within the port-city as a result of the distribution and redistribution of wealth. Thus, it hints at possibilities to analyze changing power relations within the urban unit of Goa at a micro level and the Estado da India at a macro level through studying the status claims of the various urban groups visually articulated in the evolving structures and institutions shaping the early colonial port-city.

Similarly M.N. Pearson's22 study of maritime trade and the Portuguese colonial community in its various possessions on coastal western India-especially Goa and Gujarat-traces cracks within the official structure stemming from power contestations between the Portuguese communities(the stratified class and status

22

M.N. Pearson, Coastal Western India: Studies from the Portuguese Records. New Delhi, 1981;

M.N Pearson, Before Colonialism, Theories on Asian-European Relations 1500-1750. Delhi, 1988; Ibidem, 'Goa-Based Seaborne Trade 17th - 18th Centuries' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.), Goa Through The Ages, If: An Economic History. New Delhi, 1990; Ibidem, 'The Portuguese State and Medicine in Goa.' in K.S Mathew, Teotonio de Souza, Pius Malekandathil (eds.), The Portuguese and the Socio-Cultural Changes in India, 1500-1800, 2001

12

Funda~ao

Oriente, Lisbon! IRISH, Tellicherry,

groups ofjidalgos, casados, mestic;os, castic;os, Jewish converts, renegades, exiles, religious etc.) inhabiting such areas; and, the early colonial empire's constant attempts at controlling these urban socio-economic groups. More importantly he analyzed the fluid control of the state-lacking sufficient manpower and resources--over significant indigenous communities (local feudatories, regional sea-faring and inland traders such as Banyas, Saraswat Brahmins, Canarins, Banjaras of Bijapur, Mappila Muslim traders of Malabar and other littoral

communities) necessitating co-operation and collaborations between the Lusitanian colonialists and the regional socio-economic groups even within traditional strongholds such as Goa. Pearson's investigations of the complexities marking the changed structure and orientation of the urban unit and port of Goa revealed its being shaped by multiple factors-the Portuguese innovation of monopolizing trade of select commodities; profiting parasitically from pre-existing Asian trade, and, the dependence of the early colonial power on local mercantile and sea-faring communities of Goa (revealed in the various accommodations and compromises in practice despite the dictatorial state policies). Thus he linked the shaping of the portcity with the early colonial power's interests to mobilize profits through the maritime contacts of the port. It unveiled the curious case wherein urbanization in Goa under the Portuguese reveals the working of concentric trends. On the one hand, it was crafted as an exclusively European city-modeled on the Portuguese metropolis of Lisbon--designed to

facilitate

the early colonial

power's

administrative and military control over the Indian Ocean world. This idea of the port-city as a "transplant" presupposed that the early colonial objective of using the port as a device for trade monopolization and military control of the seas marked a radical change in the previous role of the port limited to being an entrepot in Asian trade. For such observations Pearson rallied substantial quantitative and qualitative data on the port's predominant sea-trade over its inland trade under the Estado; the ability of the Portuguese to monopolize maritime trade in spices and horses; and, the extraction of significant resources by the parasitic colonial power by licensing and taxing sea-based private Asian trade of the casados and regional traders. Concurrently, he also traced elements of continuity in the port-city's existence as an

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Asian city during the 16th and 1ih centuries and alternately refers to it as a "graff" on account of its dependence on coastal trade of regional merchants for essential provisions. Pearson's studies exposed the weak and feeble imperial monopolistic and military structure-despite the early colonial community of casados, jida/gos and trading clergymen-and revealed how in practice it was dependant on Asians for mercantile and labour assistance even in imperial strongholds such as Goa Thus his investigations contributed to the new historiographical trend that exploded the myth of the 'Golden Age' of the imperial Portuguese in the 16th century through the case study of the urban unit and port of Goa which was hitherto regarded as the index to the glory of imperial Portuguese being the administrative nucleus of the maritime empire in the East. Furthermore his arguments suggest strong possibilities m

re-conceptualizing

significant co-relations

between

the

trajectories of

urbanization, fluctuations in the maritime mercantile contacts of the port and it's being shaped by the colonial power of the Portuguese as tool for resource extraction during the 16th and 1th centuries. Concurrently it hinted at how shifts in the trends of maritime trade and urbanization in Goa mirrored complexities and fluctuations marking the politico-commercial fortunes of the Portuguese in Asia rather than being simplistically interpreted as a product of change inside Goa and its hinterland.

In India the historical trend of understanding the shaping of the early colonial conditions of the 16th and 17th centuries as a result of the Portuguese intervention and Asian realities on the one hand; and, using the Portuguese sources to reconstruct the regional Indian socio-economic and political dynamics on the other hand is represented mostly in the works of P.S.S Pissurlencar, P.P Shirodkar, K.S.Mathew and Teotonio R.de Souza. Specializing in Indo-Portuguese trade, K.S Mathe~P 23

K S Mathews, Portuguese trade with India in the Sixteenth Century. New Delhi ,1983 ; Ibidem,

'Indian Merchants and the Portuguese trade in India during the 161h century' in Teotonio De Souza (ed.), Indo-Portuguese History: Old issues- New Questions. New Delhi, 1985; Ibidem, 'Church Economics in 16th century Goa.' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa: Cultural Trends (seminar papers). Goa, 1988; Ibidem, 'Trade and Commerce in Sixteenth Century Goa.' in Teotonio De Souza (ed.)

Goa Through the Ages, II : An Economic History. New Delhi, 1990; Ibidem, 'German Merchant

14

illustrates the entrepot trade and urban conditions in the pre-Portuguese ports of Goa with its mosaic of resident regional and international traders and the rising local manufacturing of ships and coastal vessels in the Adil Shahi dockyard at Goa. Against this background Mathew traces elements of both change and continuity in -

the maritime markets and production zones linked to the Goan port and the resultant urban development. Thus he hints at how the growing trade networks of the port (evident in the diversified cosmopolitan urban community; and, the establishment of magnificent urban edifices and institutions) can be linked to the dynamo effect of the demand by the European markets on the port-city's inland and maritime commercial and service sectors under early colonial domination. Mathew establishes through a number of documentary ptoofs how the making and marking of the imperial port-city (with the shift of the administrative capital of the Estado from Cochin to Goa by 1530s) indicated the working of new conditions with a highly monetized economy, urban commercial expansion and boost in the service industry such as the activities of shroffs, bankers, money lenders, slaves and other skilled and unskilled labour classes. Nevertheless, he argues that intensified indoEuropean and intra-Asian trade under the early colonial power did not trigger radical change· in the primary sector especially in the ship-building and crafts industry. He uses this premise to indicate a continuity than an absolute change in the shaping of the port-city and links it to the ambiguity of contemporary sources regarding large capital investments and innovations within state enterprises (arsenal, ship-building, mint etc.,) or urban artisanal production catering to an export market. Mathew's observations on the commercial urban unit prove beneficial to our proposed study as they hint at the crucial linkages between mercantile fortunes of the port and the structural efflorescence of the urban institutions. This suggests how at the core power center of Goa maritime prospects of the port and trends of urban

Financers in Goa during the 16th and 17th Centuries.' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.}, Goa's External Relations. Goa, 1992; Ibidem, 'Provincial Councils of Goa and the Cultural changes in India during the l61h and l71h century'.

in K.S Mathew, Teotonio de Souza, Pius Malekandathil (eds.), The

Portuguese and the socio cultural changes in India 1500-1800. Fundac;ao Oriente, Lisbon/ IRISH, Tellicherry, 200 I

15

development in the city were directly related. Thus the increased concentration of mercantile wealth within the port-city was matched by a corresponding establishment of various power exercising institutions and urban spatial rearrangement in the

sixteen~h century.

24

Teotonio R. de Souza

decodes contemporary Portuguese documentation to trace

the evolving urban and rural processes by the late l6 1h and 1ih centuries. The underlying argument in de Souza's study was that Portuguese colonial dominance in Goa stemmed only from the "native collaboration" both in a political, military and diplomatic capacity such as the help extended by the local Hindu populations in conquering Goa; and, in the economic arena as seen in the all out collaboration of the Hindu business community and entrepreneurial houses in the vital areas of revenue administration and Goa-based trade. 25 The significance of de Souza's work lies in the rich details on urban social and economic institutions that evolved during the 161h and 17th centuries such as the powers, functions and resources of the municipality, its conflicts with the state authorities, the tensions between the various socio-political groups stemming from the prevailing mercantilist ideology of the state, the labour and market organization etc. His methodology however involves the use of sources that comprise primarily of 171h century Portuguese documents as to him "only a detailed study of the seventeenth century can lead to a fair

24

Teotonio R de Souza , Medieval Goa : A Socio-Economic History. New Delhi, 1979; Teotonio R.

de Souza(ed.), Essays in Goan History. New Delhi, 1987; Ibidem, Indo- Portuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions. New Delhi, 1985; Ibidem, 'Heads lose, Tails win: Portuguese Currency', in

S.V Doshi (ed.), Goa: Cultural Patterns. Bombay: Marg Publications, 1983; Ibidem, 'Glimpses of Hindu Dominance of Goan Economy in the 171h century' in Indica, XII,1975, pp.27-35; Ibidem, 'Goa based Portuguese seaborne trade in the early sixteenth century' in IESHR, Xll,1975, pp.27-35; Ibidem, 'Rural Economy and Life' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.), Goa Through the Ages, II: An Economic History. New Delhi, 1990; Ibidem, 'The Religious Policy ofthe Portuguese in Goa, 1510-

1800' in K.S Mathew, Teotonio De Souza and Pius Malekandathil (eds.), The Portuguese and the sociocultural changes in India 1500-1800, 25

Funda~ao

Teotonio R.. de Souza, Medieval Goa, p.I86.

16

Oriente, Lisbon/ IRISH, Tellicherry, 2001.

assessment of the socio-economic changes initiated in the previous century which saw the native population of Goa confronted by a western style of Christianity and colonial capitalism." 26 Nevertheless, his translation of original manuscripts from the collections stored at the Historical Archiyes of Goa (attached in the appendix to his work); and, critical guidelines to printed primary sources help us to streamline the literary sources that supplement our spatial and structural reconstruction of the evolving early colonial port-city through the complex grid layout, construction and role of urban edifices and institutions, and, analyzing streets and market spaces in different temporal phases during the 161h and 17th centuries. The Goan historians P.P Shirodhkar,27 V.T. Gune, 28 P.D. Xavier29 , Nandakumar Kamaf 0 etc., also draw upon a variety of Portuguese and Konkani literary and inscriptional sources to reconstruct both the politico-administrative structure and socio-cultural processes within Goa in the pre-Portuguese and early colonial period. Further information on the systematic homogenization and Lusitanization of the 26 27

Ibid., pp. 9-l 0. P.P Shirodhkar, 'Dutch-Portuguese Relations in the East (1663-1795) vis-a-vis the Indian

Peninsula.'in Teotonio de Souza (ed.) Essays in Goon History, New Delhi, 1987; Ibidem, 'Survey of the Ancient Kadamba Port of Gopakapattanam.' Paper presented at seminar on "Ocean, Religion and

Archaeology" held at the National Institute of Oceanography, Dona Paula, Goa, 1989; Ibidem, 'Evangelization and its Harsh Realities.' in Teotonio R. de Souza (ed.), Discoveries, Missionary

Expansion and Asian Cultures. New Delhi, 1994; Ibidem, 'Influence of Nath Cult in Goa.' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa: Cultural Trends, Goa, 1988; P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa's External Relations, Goa, 1992 28

V.T Gune, Ancient Shrines of Goa, Panaji, 1965; Gune(ed.), Gazetteerofthe Union Territory Go,

Daman and Diu. Part 1. Panaji, 1979; Ibidem, 'Goa's Coastal and Overseas Trade from the Earliest times till the 1510 A.D.' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.), Goa Through the Ages. New Delhi, 1990. 29

P.O. Xavier, 'Church and Society in 16th century Goa.' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa: Cultural

Trends,. Goa, 1988; Ibidem, 'Some Aspects ofthe Finances ofthe College ofSt Paul (1700-1750).' in B.S.Shastry (ed.) Goon society through the Ages. New Delhi, 1987 30

Nandakumar Kamat, 'Gopakapattanam through the Ages.' in B.S.Shastry (ed.) Goon society

through the Ages; Ibidem, 'Cultural Relations of Goa with Gujarat.' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.) Essays in Goon History. New Delhi, 1989; Ibidem, 'Simha and Gajasimha Motif in Goa Kadamba's Temple Architecture and Numismatics.' in P.P. Shirodhkar(ed.), Goa: Cultural Trends, Goa, 1988

17

cosmopolitan urban society through the Padroado-backed imposition of European Christian customary and cultural practices and establishment of parish churches with priests maintained on state payroll is reconstructed by Mathias Mundadan31 and Joseph Thekkedath. 32 These scholars use various missionary records and state· grants to Christian charitable and educational institutions to trace shifting trends in the early colonial ideological assertions within the port-city. Their reconstructions reveal how peaceful co-existence in the first phase of domination from 151 0-1530s was increasingly' replaced by intolerance towards pluralism and elements of heterogeneity by1540s-1590s and a waning of the conversion zeal and missionary proselytism between1590s and 166Qs. However as they do not exclusively deal with tracing the history of Goa, the dialogue between the commercial concerns of the Portuguese enterprise and the religious pretensions of the Padroado remain unexplored. Nevertheless the factual details supplied by such works reconstructed from the correspondence of the Goa Jesuits with Lisbon and Rome; and, by the Dominican, Franciscan, Augustinian and Jesuit missionaries from their mission fields in the regional economic unit constituted by the //has, Bardez and Salcete and other parts of Asia to the headquarters of the religious Orders at Goa enable us to retrace the changing ideological and socio-cultural strategies of the early colonial state to control the living and working conditions of the rural and urban masses and command the loyalties of the latter to the Archbishopric of Goa. Recently scholars like Charles Borges, 33 Agnello Femandes, 34 Delio de Mendon9a, 35 Fatima da Silva

31

A.M Mundadan, History of Christianity in India from the Beginning up to The Middle of the

Sixteenth Century (up to I 542), Vol I. Bangalore, 200 I. 32

Joseph Thekkedath, History of Christianity in India from the middle of the Sixteenth Century to the

end of the Seventeenth Century (I 542- 1700), Vol ll, Bangalore, 200 I. 33

Charles Borges S.J, The Economics ofThe Goa Jesuits, 1542-1759: An Explanation ofTheir Rise

and Fall. New Delhi, 1994; Charles Borges & Helmut Feldmann (eds.), Goa and Portugal: Their Cultural Links, New Delhi, 1997; Teotonio R. de Souza & Charles Borges. (eds.) Jesuits in India: In Historical perspective, Macau, 1992; Charles Borges, 'Foreign Jesuits and Native Resistance in Goa (1542-1759).' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.) Essays in Goan History, New Delhi, 1987; Ibidem, 'How Shall We Manage? Catholic Religious Orders Based in Portuguese India in 16th and 17th centuries.' in Fatima da Silva Gracias, Celsa Pinto and Charles Borges (eds.), Indo-Portuguese History: Global

18

Gracias 36 etc., reconstruct various aspects of the society and economy in Goa such as its placement in international trade, economy of the Jesuit and Augustinian Orders, socio-cultural reforms, aspects of urban sanitation and civic maintenance in the port-city especially drainage and drinking water facilities, maintenance of streets, Hospitals and retreats. These studies suggest the significance of understanding the historical processes characterizing the socio-economic structure of Goa in the 16th and l ih centuries marked by fluctuating trends in the functioning of the port and urban institutions (that can be linked to the flow and concentration of resources within the imperial port-city) rather than monolithic and linear developments shaping the urban experience. Furthermore such investigations reveal the need to shift focus to explore new angles within the structural evolution of the port city and the urban experience in the context of different temporal phases rather than attributing the developments marking the late 16th and 17th centuries as a result of the natural culmination of processes that began in the 16th century. The recent works of Pius Malekandathie 7 deconstruct urban imageries to illustrate complex Trends Session. Goa, Proceedings of XI- International Seminar on Indo-Portuguese History - Silver

Jubilee, Goa, 2003; Ibidem, 'Jesuit Education in Goa (l61h-18th Centuries).' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa: Cultural Trends, Goa, 1988; Charles Borges and M.N.Pearson (eds.), Metahistory: History questioning history, fetschift in honour of Teotonio R. de Souza. Lisbon, Nova Vega, 2007 34

Agnello Fernandes, 'Augustinians in Goa' in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa: Cultural Trends, Goa,

1988; Ibidem, 'Goa in the International Trade: 16th-171h Centuries.' in Teotonio de Souza (ed.) Essays in Goan History, New Delhi, 1987; Ibidem, 'Social Reform Ordinances Introduced in Goa by

Viceroy Dom. Francisco Tavora, Conde de Alvor (1681-1686).' in B.S.Shastry (ed.) Goan Society through the Ages; Ibidem, 'Goans in Portuguese Armadas during Medieval Times.' in Borges and

Pearson (eds.), Metahistory: History questioning History, Lisbon, 2007 35

Delio de Mendont;:a 'The City Carousal: Relocation of the Capital of the Estado da India' in

Borges and Pearson (eds. }, Metahistory: History questioning history, Lisbon, 2007 36

Fatima da Silva Gracias, Health and Hygiene in Colonial Goa, 1510-1961. New Delhi, 1994;

Ibidem, 'The Impact of Portuguese Culture on Goa. A Myth or a Reality' in Goa and Portugal, New Delhi,l997 37

Pius Malekandathil , 'Colonial City of Goa' in Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism since

1450,(fhe Gale group , INC/Macmillan Reference USA); Ibidem, 'City in Space and Metaphor: A

Study on the Colonial Port -City of Goa', in Studies in History, voi.XXV, No. I, January-June, 2009, pp. 13-38;Ibidem, 'Spatialization and Social Engineering: Role of the Cities of Cochin and Goa in

19

processes underlying the structural shaping and trade relations of the port-city under Portuguese occupation. It raises important questions such as how was the port-city structured in each phase of colonial domination; and, why did the spatializatioi:t _ claims of the urban edifices and institutions differ from time to time? His analysis of Portuguese source materials identifies stages in the urban evolution ofthe port-city corresponding to the changing need of the early colonial state to mobilize and accumulate resources within the imperial capital. Thus he traces the transformation of the Adil Shahi city as a European (Lusitanian) town to attract the Portuguese . migrants and consolidate a community of ethnically Portuguese casado and mesti90 citizens betweeen151 0-1540. Similarly development of urban structures including edifices, street layouts and handsome residential quarters in the second phase from 1540s-1580s and 1590s-1620s were linked to the wealth flowing from the agrarian units of Bardez and Salcete and contributions of wealthy Portuguese private traders respectively. His analysis thus reveals the possibilities of analyzing the "diverse mechanisms and processes by which the port city of Goa was constructed and developed in space and metaphors for the purpose of realizing the designs of the early colonial state."

In this context, our study of trade and urbanization in Goa attempts at understanding the strategies by which the extractive tentacles of the early colonial state penetrated and mobilized resources from both the neighboring economies; and, private Portuguese traders through the instrument of the port-city. This involves a reconstruction of the urban unit with an administrative and commercial core area structuring around the nucleus of the port in four distinct phases using city plans, maps and urban imageries recorded in Portuguese and European literary sources. Along with the geographical and spatial study of the city structure our research also

Shaping the Estado da India, 1500-1663' in 0 Est ado da India e os Desafios Europeus: Aetas do XII

Seminario Internacional de Historia Indo-Portuguesa, Lisboa, 2010, pp.30 1-328; Ibidem,' The Ottoman Expansion and the Portuguese response in the Indian Ocean , 1500-1560.' Charles J. Borges and M.N.Pearson (eds.), Metahistory: History questioning History, Lisboa, 2007; Ibidem, Maritime

India: Trade, Religion and Polity in the Indian Ocean, New Delhi, 2010.

20

attempts at exploring why a parallel administrative mechanism of the municipality was shaped and empowered with various administrative, juridical and fiscal privileges conferred through royal grants; and, how did urban institutions such as the municipality, the Misericordia and the headquarters of the various religious Orders including the wealthy Goan churches and seminaries facilitate the circulation of the accumulated wealth for the maintenance of the port-city, security of the harbor of Goa and offering solutions to the resource crunch within the Estado from time to time. The thesis thus engages in a critical intrinsic and extrinsic analysis of a wide variety of sources ranging from contemporary maps and city plans to Estado's budgetary records, European travelogues, missionary records and state papers pertaining to the 16th and 1?'h centuries.

Identity of the Area and Period of Study

The geo-physical area of study is to be clearly established as Goa had different connotations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: On the one hand the nomenclature of Goa was given to the islands (Ilhas) of Goa, 38 which were a larger administrative unit and comprised the five islands of Tiswadi, Chorao, Divar, Vamsim and Zuve

39

and which were conquered by the Portuguese in 1510. On the

other hand the term Goa was also given to a much larger territorial possession of the Portuguese which included not only the islands of Tiswadi conquered in 1510 but also other neighbouring regions like Bardez and Salcete, which were occupied by the Portuguese in 1543 and they were collectively called the Old Conquests in order to distinguish them from the new territories conquered and added to Goa (as New Conquests) in mid-eighteenth century. However, when we refer to the port city of Goa, we do not mean these larger territorial units , but the capital city of these territorial units or the city of Goa, which evolved around its port on the north-east of Tiswadi, away from the sea but accessible through the 'Goa river', that is, the 38

Refer Map I.

39

Mathias Mundadan, History of Christianity Vol!, p 429

21

Mandovi. 40 It corresponds to the present day location of Old Goa (Velho Goa), which now is in ruins. The study focuses on this port-city of Goa, which the Portuguese maintained as their power centre in Asia for almost two centuries. This city is also identified as corresponding to the erstwhile port-town of Ela which gained predominance by the mid fourteenth century. 41 The proximity of the new port to the inland kingdoms of Bijapur and Vijayanagara, the lucrative horse trade from Arabia, the availability of timber for shipbuilding, its commercial relations with south Konkan ports - all seem to have contributed to the changing port hierarchy and the shifting of the center of gravity from the old port of Gopakapattanam to the emerging port of Ela. 42 Adil Shahis took possession of Ela by the fourth quarter of the fifteenth century, which they eventually developed as the capital of their possessions in south Konkan. It has been argued that JuwaSindabur or Juwa, referred to by Ibn Majid in the fifteenth century must have been the port of Ela. 43

The study starts from 1510, when the Portuguese captured the city along with its adjacent areas from the Adil Shahis and started giving new meanings and logic to Goa's urbanization processes. The terminal point of the study is 1690, when the Portuguese were finally compelled to shift their capital from the port-city of Goa to other safer locations in Goa due to frequent attacks from the Dutch and the English and due to the continuous outbreak of pestilence and contagious diseases in the city. The tentative time span of two centuries is taken as one single unit of study as to show how the Portuguese made convenient use of the urban space of Goa for addressing the multiple needs of their early colonial state. The period also marks a substantial break from the earlier role of the port-town of Ela as the nucleus of entrepot trade and subsequently as the second capital of the Bijapuri Sultans. In its

40

Mathias Mundadan, History of Christianity vol I, p 431.

41

Pius Malekandathil, 'City in Space and Metaphor: A Study on the Port -City ofGoa,'pp.l5-6

42

K.S. Mathew, 'Trade and Commerce in Sixteenth Century Goa.'

43

Pius Malekandathil, 'Spatialization and Social Engineering: Role of the Cities of Cochin and Goa

in Shaping the Estado da India 1500-1663', p.306

22

new role as an early colonial port-city and headquarters of the Estado da India, the remodeling of the urban structure and institutions of Goa more or less duplicated the city of Lisbon. The study is located within the temporal context of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Furthermore, the early colonial intervention and subsequent fluctuations in the mercantile processes of the port and alterations in city space is divided into four distinct phases (from 1510-1540, 1540-1580, 1580-1610 and 16101690) in order to understand the power assertions of urban status groups and the

Estado's constantly evolving strategies to use the city as the tool to extract and

concentrate resources in the context of larger politico-economic and social processes.

Design of Study

This research study looking into the meanings of urbanization in Goa and the uses to which its multiple urban institutions and groups were manipulated for meeting the diverse needs of the early colonial state of the Portuguese has been done in seven chapters.

The first being the introductory chapter locates the theme within the frames of IndoPortuguese historiography and examines the nature of existing historical literature on the port-city of Goa. Thus it states the basic objectives of the thesis as being a descriptive and analytical study of the twin processes of trade and urbanization in the port-city under Lusitanian early colonial domination, (1510 to 1690 A.D) using contemporary maps, literary sources and fieldstudy of Velho Goa.

Second chapter is the background chapter to re-trace the trade of the pre-Portuguese south Konkan ports indicating its commercial connections with Europe and other parts of Asia. The rise of early medieval

port-towns of Chandrapur,

Gopakapattanam, Revatidwipa and Ela; and, the shifting port-hierarchy amongst these South Konkan ports from the 11th century till the first decade of the 16th

23

century is explored. Similarly attempts are made to understand linkages between the activities of its politico-economically dominant Arab and Indian ship-owning and sea-trading settlers; the peculiarities of urbanization at these port-towns under regional potentates (the Bhojas, Silaharas, Kadambas, Vijayanagara rayas, the Bahmani Sultans and subsequently Bijapur); and, urban-rural relations. This acts as the perfect counter-foil to analyze change and continuity in trends of trade and urbanization with the Portuguese take-over of the port-city of Ela and subsequent conquests in the !/has de Goa from 1510 onwards.

Chapter three proposes to look into the first phase of Portuguese occupation of the port-city of Goa (151 0-1540 A. D). Explorations are made into the re-formatting of urban space with the establishment of new civil, religious and educational institutions and structures (churches, schools, municipal hall, Misericordia etc) resembling the institutions of Lisbon under the Estado's directives. The State's initiative in carving out a Lusitanian city space to encourage its steady peopling with a colonial community of administratively and militarily skilled and commercially inclined casados and mestif;os (apart from the Portuguese clergy, fidalgos and soldados) has been linked to the larger politico-commercial objectives

of the early colonial State in the Indian Ocean. The chapter studies the evolving urban space and symbology to understand multiple dialogues of the early colonial State with the Portuguese settlers and the trading indigenous residents that was strongly motivated by its interests to control urban mercantile resources and commercial revenues. For this purpose, data denoting the annual value of private trade in Goa between 1510-1540 and the changing demographic and settlement patterns within the conquered port-city are used as quantitative tools to support our conceptualization that the first phase of urban spatilization following the territorial conquest of the port city was geared to raise resources (men and money) to fund the early colonial State's politico-commercial enterprise in the Indian Ocean viz. cultivating an ethnically Portuguese but socially rooted colonial community rather than its previous strategy of making quick profits through regional political alliances and plunder of unlicensed mercantile vessels that cruised the Asian seas.

24

The fourth chapter deals with the restructuring of Goa as a colonial 'Christian' space between 1540 and 1580. It begins with a comparative study of the cityscape by late 1530s (as outlined by the governor Dom Joao de Castro) and the expanded urban structure of the late 1580s and 1590s (as noted by Linschoten, the Dutch officer in Goa) to trace the emergence of a multi-focal European town centering around power-denoting urban edifices and institutions such as the municipality, Misericordia, various missionary headquarters and State establishments. This

enables an exploration of connections between the rising wealth concentration in the port-city-stemming from the escalating private trade of its citizens and Estado's acquisition of the agrarian hinterlands of Salcete and Bardez-and the erection of awe evoking structures. The chapter deconstructs traditional interpretation of the increasing religious conservatism of the Estado at Goa and re-reads the reactionary policies as integral to its colonial strategy of homogenizing and standardizing urban behaviour to facilitate consolidation of Portuguese hegemony in the conquered region of the !/has de Goa (including Salcete and Bardez). Contemporary metaphors regarding the port-city as the early colonial Christian capital (Archbishopric of the East), Rainha do Oriente (Queen of the Oriental marts) and A Senhora de Todo o Oriente are critically analyzed to understand how early colonial knowledge

formation too was geared to facilitate Portuguese settlements within the port-city and State formation ambitions of the Estado by proclaiming the undoubted commercial, military and ideological supremacy of the Lusitanian administrative capital.

Chapter five studies the phase 1580-1610 when the port-city stretched to its maximum both territorially and demographically. The popular imageries of Goa Dourada (Golden Goa) and the port-city as "Treasury of the East" are investigated

to contextualize urban prosperity as stemming from the port's expanded linkages with its foreland and hinterland regions. Thus the effects of liberalization of tradecontract system replacing the earlier State monopoly of Indo-European trade in the 1570s and privatization of intra-Asian trade by 1590s---on the nature and extend of

25

wealth accumulated in the administrative capital is explored usmg data on commodities taxed in the city between 1581-88 and the value of maritime trade in Goa between 1581 and 1610. The information derived is placed against the rising income-expenditure of the city to critically analyze how urban beautification, organization of the expanded urban space and the Estado's defense related investments for the period were motored predominantly by the maritime private traders. This once again enables us to examine the meanings associated with urban spatial re-organization in this phase and helps answer significant issues such as in which way did the urbanity of Goa between 1580-1610 reflect the multiple (and at time conflicting) interests of its predominant class of mercantile individuals and civil and ecclesiastical institutions; and, how and why was the metaphor of Golden Goa circulated by the early colonial State.

The sixth chapter examines the deterioration of the port-city between 1610-1690 and the shift of the Estado's headquarters to Panelim (1695) by contextualizing it against the deteriorating commercial prospects of the port and harbour based on data recording value of maritime private trade in Goa from 1612-1635 and 1691-i695. Thus, the chapter investigates changes in urban spatial claims from its predominant imagery of Goa Dourada to being identified as Rome of the East suggesting shifting urban emphasis from its commercial streets and market spaces to the sacred space of its convents and churches. It links changing trends in urban investments and spatial claims to the deterioration in private casado trade triggering new strategies by the extractive early colonial State to mobilize resources-loyalty of catholic Christians apart from fiscal resources-using new religious props in the form of its various churches and convents as well as transforming the port-city as a pilgrimage destinations for catholic Christians in Asia.

The last chapter is the concluding section listing the major findings and deductions made as a result of this study.

26

Methodology and Sources

The study relies mostly on the vast mass of primary sources, both in published and unpublished forms, which are corroborated with the help of contemporary maps and city plans derived from travelers, missionaries and state officials. Besides the large number of city plans provided by Luis da Silveira, 44 the city-plan given by Viceroy Dom.Joao de Castro,

45

and, the sketches of the urban grid structure, 46 geographical

layout of the 1/ha de Goa and city plans by Manuel Godinho de Eredia in his Atlas Miscellanay that has been reproduced in Monumenta Cartographica (Vol IV)

47

are

been extensively used. The fieldtrip to Velha Goa enabled a geographical study of the site especially gauging the distance between the wharf region and the administrative and commercial core of the Portuguese city. Furthermore, the physical mapping of the various streets linking the important administrative and religious edifices and commercial spaces within the city to the riverside and in particular to the sites which functioned as the Quay of the Viceroys and the Quay of St Catherine-which are also corroborated

wit~

the help of the contemporary maps

and literary texts-help in conceptualizing the significance of the port to the imperial city that had been envisioned as an administrative capital and military bastion of the Estado from 1530's onwards. Similarly analysis of the wharf at Panjim and Raibandar (and the close location of the Churches to such sites on the 44

Luis da Silveira(ed.), Ensaio de lconograjia das Cidades Portuguesas do Ultramar, voi.IH,

Lisbon, (no year of publication), pp.360-379 45

For the 1539 riverside view and city sketch by Dom Joiio de Castro see M. Joseph Costelloe

(trans.), George Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, His Life, His Times. Vol II: India, 1541-1545.Rome, 1977. p 147; Also see Mundadan, History of Christianity in India Vol I. 46

For the evolving city by 1540s see St. Francis Xavier's map in Appendix 3.4; for the urban grid

structure of 1580s (by John Huyghen Van Linschoten) see Appendix 3.1; of c.1615-c.l622 (by Manuel Godinho de Eredia) see Appendix 3.2; of the Plan of the Old City of Goa mapped on24th August 1910 (by 47

Dire~ciio

de Obras Publicas) see Appendix 3.3.

Reproduction of P.lan of the city of Goa by Manuel Godinho de Eredia's Atlas Miscellany (c.1615-

c.l622) from the Collection of Dr. C.M.C Machado Figueira (Folio 92r) in Monumenta Cartographica Vol IV. Lis boa, lmprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1987. (See Appendix 3.2 of thesis); Boies Penrose, Goa-Rainha do Oriente. Fig 3, p 41; fig 4, p 47;Fig. 6, p 57.

27

riverside) suggest the importance of such areas as military and customs check-posts regulating incoming and outgoing maritime traffic from the harbor and city respectively. Such evidences of the adjoining ports functioning as satellite or supplementary ports to the port at Velha Goa---corroborated by testimonies of travelers and state papers on the predominantly garrison forts of Aguada (in Bardez) and Panjim (island of Tiswadi) framing the mouth of the harbor and the fading significance of erstwhile port towns such as Goem or Goa Velha (that corresponded with pre-Portuguese Gopakapattanam) on the banks of the Zuari-suggests the hierarchical re-arrangement of the south Konkan ports to act as supplementary or feeder ports to the early colonial port of Velha Goa. Concurrently, it provides a yardstick to measure the expansion of the maritime hinterlands and forelands (as well as the intensified politico-commercial role) of the port by the late 16th century. Furthermore, personal interviews with the curator of the museum maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India in Velha Goa and the nuns at the Convent of Santa Monica-apart from the spatial study of the structures and ruins of the Churches, monasteries, Archepiscopal palace and Palace of the Fortress at Old Goa-reveal significant details on flow of resources including building materials, funds and wealth concentration in such institutions.

However, the bulk of the historical information for understanding the socioeconomic processes in the city of Goa is gathered from the archival and published primary sources. On the one hand, there is the big corpus of traveller's account, which included eye witness accounts of Europeans visiting the city of Goa and recording the activities of various urban socio-economic groups; the administrative, ideological and cultural orientations of the Portuguese state; establishment and functioning of urban institutions such as the municipality, Santa Casa de Misericordia, the Holy Inquisition, charitable hospitals, retreats and shelters for orphans, poor and repentant women; testimonies to the working of urban production units (state enterprises and artisanal workshops within the city), the port and the service sectors within the port-city of Goa, which was both the imperial capital city and the seat of the metropolitan Archdiocese of the East. The narratives act as an

28

index to the external dynamics affecting the port-city primarily the politics of trade in the Indian Ocean with the power assertions of the sea-faring regional mercantile kingdoms (in the Indian Ocean littoral and coastal western India); the power contestations (for maritime markets in Europe, Asia and Africa) between the new entrants primarily the European mercantile companies; and, the state formation claims and expansionist experiments of inland political potentates of the Deccan and Western India such as Bijapur, Marathas, the Mughals etc. Thus the accounts of the large number of Portuguese and other European travelers to the city including Ludovico di Varthema,48 Tome Pires,49 Duarte Barbosa, 5° John Huyghen Van Linschoten, 51 Pyrard de Laval, 52 Ralph Fitch, 53 Pietro della Valle, 54 Bernier, 55 Tavernier, 56 Manucci, 57 Philip Baldeus, 58 Ovington, 59 Mandelslo, 60 John Fryer, 61

48

John Winter Jones (trans.), The ltinery of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna from 1502-/508. New

Delhi: Asian Educational Services (Reprint), 1997. 49

Armando Cortesao (ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and the Book of Francisco Rodrigues,

Vol I. Delhi, Asian Educational Services (Reprint), 1990. 50

Mansel Longworth Dames (ed.),The Book of Duarte Barbosa Vols I & /1. New Delhi: Asian

Educational Services (reprint), 1989. 51

Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten to the East Indies: from

the Old English Translation of 1598 Vo/s I & II. Delhi, Asian Educational Services Reprint 1988. 52

Albert Gray and H.C.P Bell (trans. And eds.), The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of Laval to the

East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil, II Vols, New Delhi, AES (reprint), 2000. 53

William Foster (ed.), Early Travels in India 1583-1619, New Delhi, Low Price Publications

(Reprint), 2007. 54

Edward G(ed.), Travels of Pitro della Valle in !ndia(AD 1623-24), 2 vols., New Delhi,

AES(reprint),2000 55

Archibald Constable and Vincent A. Smith (eds.), Travels in the Moghul Empire AD 1656-1668 by

Francois Bernier. Delhi, Low Price Publications (Reprint), 2005 56

Valentine Ball and William Crooke (eds.), Tavernier's Travels in India (1640-1676). New Delhi,

Asian Educational Services (Reprint), 2007. 57

William Irvin (Trans.), Niccolao Manucci, Mogul India or Storia Do Mogor, 4 Vols. Delhi, Low

Price Publications, 2005 (reprint). 58

Philip Baldeus. A True and Exact Description of The Most Celebrated East-India Coasts of

Malabar and Coromandel and Also of the Isle of Ceylon. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services (Reprint), 2000.

29

Alexander Hamilton, 62 Friar Abbe Carre, 63 Dellon64 etc. offer vivid insights into the evolving socio-economic and political processes of the port- city in different time periods during the course of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. Moreover, contrasting the accounts of travelers visiting the pof!.-city in different temporal contexts with each other exposes the changing colonial conditions and helps in establishing crucial linkages in the shaping of the imperial city with the internal and external dynamics of maritime trade of the port and politico-military and economic urgencies ofthe Estado.

Nevertheless for a critical intrinsic and extrinsic examination of the sources such as maps and travelogues it becomes necessary to contextualize it against the information provided by numerous other contemporary Portuguese records such as State papers, official Portuguese chronicles and missionary records. Thus the thesis utilizes published sixteenth and seventeenth century missionary letters and reports compiled in works such as George Schurhammer' s Francis Xavier: His Life and

Times; 65 Documenta Indica 66 edited by Josef Wicki; and, Documenta~iio para a

59

H.G.Rawlinson (ed.) , Ovington (J) A Voyage to Sural in the Year 1689, New Delhi, AES

(Reprint), 1994. 60

M.S.Commisariat (ed.), Mande/slo's Travels in Western India {1638-1639). Delhi, Asian

Eductaional Services, 1995. 61

William Crooke (ed.), John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia Being Nine Years

Travels 1672-1681 Vo/s 1,/ II and III. Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1992. 62

A New Account of the East-Indies being the observations and remarks of Alexander Hamilton

From the Years 1688 To 1723, New Delhi, Asian Educational Services(reprint), 1995. 63

Charles Fawcett (ed.), The Travels of the Abbe Carre in India and the Near East, 2 vols., New

Delhi, AES(reprint, 1990 64

For Dellon's narrative on the Cidade de Goa our work relies on excerpts from Maurice Collis

(ed.), The Land of the Great Image Being Experiences of Friar Manrique in Arakan. New Delhi, AES, (reprint) 1995; Also Dellon's account of the Inquisition has been derived from Priolkar, The

Goa Inquisition. Part II, pp l-85. 65

George Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, His Life, His Times. Vol II: India (1541-1545).Rome, 1977.

66

Josef Wicki (ed.), Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu: Missiones Orientales Documenta India.

Roma, 1948-63. (Henceforth Wicki, Dl)

30

Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente India edited by Antonio da

Silva Rego. While much of the documents in Documenta Indica and Documentm;iio comprise Jesuit records stretching from 1540's till mid-eighteenth century collected from the Jesuit Archives of Rome and illustrative reports from other repositories such as the Historical Archives of Goa; the letters and reports of the Franciscans and the Dominicans from as early as 1520's recording matters related to the construction and maintenance of their seminaries and colleges in the port-city are also published in the Documentar;iio. Such reports enable us to critically analyze the flow of fiscal and material resources to such religious and educational institutions and the status claims of the religious Orders in the urban socio-political fabric in different periods. Schurhammer's edited collection of the correspondence of Francis Xavier (with the Jesuit General at Rome and State officials) provide illustrative details on the establishment and functioning of religious edifices, Christian educational and charitable institutions within the port city; and, thus enables us to have a picture of the re-arrangement of the city space with the construction and prominence of politico-religious edifices following the twin role of port-city as the administrative capital of the Estado and a bishopric by mid-1530s. Similarly a number of State papers including royal a/varas (instructions of the Crown) and grants of the Viceroy conceding various powers and privileges including fiscal and revenue grants to the urban institutions such as the municipality, the Misericordia, seminaries and churches, hospitals; to State officials such as the Pai dos Cristiios (father of Christians, judges of the high court, Captain of the city etc); and, to the Portuguese and Christian citizens of the port-city have also been utilized in the thesis. As stated before much of the documents consulted have been published in works such as Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, 67 Documentos Remetidos da India ou Livros das Monc;oes, Documentac;iio Ultramarina Portuguesa, Arquivo Portugues Oriental,

68

67

Joaquim Heliodoro da Cunha Rivara(ed.), Archivo Portuguez Oriental, New Delhi, 1992.

68

Braganca Pereira (ed.), Arquivo Portugues Oriental, Bastora, Goa, 1937-1940. (Henceforth APO-

BR)

31

Subsidios para a Historia da India Portugueza, 69 Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, 70 0 Livro do "Pai dos Cristtios 71 , Tombo da llha de Goa e das Terras de Salsete e de Bardes organizado em 1595 por Francisco Pais, Provedor-Mor dos Contos de Goa

72

etc. Attempts have also been made to cross

check some of the manuscripts from the State Archives (Historical Archives of Goa) that were cited in secondary works. The major collections consulted during my research in Goa Archives include the Livro das 1\1om;oes do Reinho collection (Foral dos uzos e costumes dos gancares e lavradores des/a ilha de Goa e outros annexes ella); the Senado da Camara de Goa series (Acordas e Assentos do Senado de Goa; Cartas Patentes; Cartas, Alvaras,Provisoes, Correspondencia Diversos, 1610-1704 and Registros Gerais); and, folios from Book VIII and IX of the Livros

de Assentos do Conselho da Fazenda series recording the role of the Hindu traders

in municipal meetings and loans advanced by the Gujarati banias to the Estado. The rare documents and materials from Columbia University, USA; Xavier Centre for Historical Research, Alto Porvorim; and, from the personal library of Prof. K.S.Mathew, Tellicherry have been of immense help to contextualize elaborately the urban processes casually indicated by traveller's accounts and by various city plans.

69

Rodrigo Jose de Lima Feiner, Subsidios Para a Historia da India Portugueza in Collecfiio de

Monumentos Ineditos Para a Historia das Conquestas dos Portuguese em Africa , Asia e America, Torno V, Serie I, Lisboa, 1868. 70

Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, No I, 1954

71

Josef Wicki, 0 Livro do "Pai dos Cristiios" Lisboa, 1969.

72

Panduranga Pissurlencar (ed.) "Tombo da Ilha de Goa e das Terras de Salsete e de Bardes

organizado em 1595 por Francisco Pais, Provedor-Mor dos Contos de Goa", in Boletim do lnstituto

Vasco da Gama, N.62, Bastora, 1946.

32

MAP OF GOA DEPICTING OLD CONQUESTS & NEW CONQUESTS

15 4S'O'"N

SATARI 15' 30'0"N

SANGUEM

ARABIAN SEA 15' 15

CANACONA

1S'O'O"N

1 5'0'0~

,. INDIA

Legend •

14' 4S'O"N

74' 0'0"E

NEW CONQUESTS

-

OLD CONQUESTS

-

RIVER

74' 10'0"E

Illustration Map 1

PRE PORTUGUESE PORTS

D

74' 20VE

33

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CHAPTER I Introduction - Shodhganga

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