The impact of international labour migration in Indonesia - Adelaide

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THE IMPACT OF IIITERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR.ã.TION

IN INDONESIA

by RI.ãI{TO ADI

Thesis subûitted in fulfilment of tÏ¡e requi-rements of ttre Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Populatíon and ¡It¡ma¡¡ Resources' Department of GeograPtrY'

Faculty of Arts' The uníwersíty of edelaide Marctr, 1996

lu

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge my profound thanks and gratitude to Prof essor Graeme ,J. Hugo and Prof essor Dean Forbes, fry supervisors, who have tirelessly lent their time and enerqy, shared their wealth of knowledge and given guidance in the process of writing this thesis.

grateful to the Australian International Development .Assistance Bureau (AusAid) for an award under the Eguity and Merit Scholarship Scheme (EMSS-AIDAB) for five years study in Australia. My thanks are also due to Atma Jaya Research Centre and Atma Jaya Foundation which gave me the opportunity to study at The Faculty of Social Sciences, Flinders University of South Australia and The Faculty of ALts, The University of Adelaide, South Australia. To the University of Adelaide my sincere appreciation thanks for financial support for my fieldwork. My thanks to the Indonesian Government and other 1ocal authorities for permission to undertake fieldwork in Desa Sukasari, West Java, Indonesia and al-so to Pusat AKÄN, Indonesian Department of Manpower in sharing their information. This is a fitting place to thank The Head of Desa Sukasari (Haji Aan Sutianda), his staff and the people of Desa Sukasari, who gave of their time and patience in being interviewed during the gathering of data. I

am

I sincerely appreciate the help of my fieldwork colleagues from the Tnstitute Pertanian Bogor (Ir. Raden Sirait, It. Drusilla S. Hutauruk, Ir. Dian Suryanti, Ir^. Meriati K. Sitanggang, Ir. Juniati Aritonanq, Tuah Darmawan, SH) for their enthusiastic involvemenL in inLerviewing respondents. My grateful thanks are also due to Solehudin, a Sukasari villager, who assisted me in the

lv

fieldwork, especially by making me feel at home during the village study. Thanks, âs we1l, to a1l my friends at the Atma .Taya Research Centre/ especially my colleagues Drs. Sutrisno R. Pardoen, and Drs. Sahat Sitohang MSc., for their helpful suqqestions, Heru Prasadja MSc. and Drs. Heri Pramono for assistance in preparing the data for analysis using the SPSS program and Ir. Dian Suryanti who helped me in coding and data entry. My thanks are also due to many people in Adelaide (Margaret Young, Tania Ford, Janet Wal1, Chris Crothers, Lorraine Lienert and all my colleagues in the Population and Human Resources Program) who have contributed through discussion and by assisting me to solve some of the problems relating to my work. I extend my appreciation to all of them. Fina11y, fly deepest gratitude to my wife, Wahyu Yuliastuti, who has encouraged and mentally supported me ín doing this thesis and patiently cared for our children with love and affection during our stay in Adelaide (Eka 15, Rangqa Meidianto, 12, Astrina Ayu Afrianti, Septianti, 10 and Kania Riastuti, 7) .

To my mother: Sembahsungkemku. . . .

Adelaide, March 1,996

ABSTRACT

Thj-s thesis is concerned with the understanding and of the impact of international labour clarification migration in fndonesia. Detailed understanding of the impact of this movement on individuals, families, communities and the nation as a whole, is still limited. However, the Indonesian Government has been involved in sending contract workers overseas for two decades and now plans to enlargre the volume and improve the quality of the workers in order to help unemployment problems within the country and obtain foreign exchangre to enhance economic growt.h.

introduces some significant issues The thesis firstly relating to the effects of international labour migration on sending countries, outlines the objectives of the study and the approach adopted in addressing these objectives. It briefly discusses the geographical context of the study and outlines relevant theories of migration and major research findings with respect to the impact of international labour migration. The study then moves on to a case study of a village in West .Tava whích has experienced a significant amount of international labour migration. The patterns and processes involved in that movement are initially analysed as a prelude to the detailed examination of the impacts of international labour migration. as an independent variable, Population mobility consequences not only for the migrant him/herself

has and.

vl

his/her family, but also for the community and nation as wel1. At the micro level, temporary work overseas has benefit for the migrant and his/her family. However, in the long run/ the impact depends on how they use their remittances and experiences to improve their life. At the macro 1evel, remittances and experience are two important potential sources of benefit for the community of origin of overseas contract workers, âs assets for improving the standard of living of the community. However, the impact depends on the volume of overseas contract workers and the quality of experience (skills) which they have gained.

For Indonesia as a whole the benefits from overseas contract workers are sti11 relatively smal1, due to the fact that this- country has a huge population in relation to the number of overseas workers. However, such mobility of workers across country's boundaries for temporary work has been shown to be important leading to a variety of changes which, íf not anticipated, could impede nation building. Therefore, to maximize the benefits accruing from this movement, the fndonesian Government should take more account of this issue, devote greater attention to collecting detailed information about it and develop policies and programs which will maximise the benefits accruing from it and minimise the costs associated with international labour migrration.

vll

TABIJE OF EONTENTS

Declaration

Acknowledgement

.Abstract Table of Contents List of Tables List of Figures List of Plates Abbreviations and Glossary CIIAPTER

1:

TNTRODUCTION

1. Introduction t "2 Objectives of the Study 1_. 3 The Context of the Study L.4 Organisation of the Thesis 1-

t_. 5

CHAPTER 2.1-

Conclusion

2:

THEORETICAL FRÀMEWORK

Introduction

2.2 Explaining International Labour Migration 2.3 The Impact of International Labour Migration 2.4 An Analytical Framework for Studying the Impact of International Labour Migration 2.4.L Impact Upon the Individual Migrant 2.4.2 Impact Upon the Family/Household 2.4.3 Impact Upon the Community 2.4.4 Impact Upon the Nation 2.5 Conclusion CIIAPTER

3:

METHODOLOGY

3.1- Introduction 3.2 Secondary Data on International Labour Migration In Indonesia 3.2.1 The Directorate of Immigration 3.2.2 Data from PusaÈ AI(ÄN (Centre for Overseas Workers) 3 .2.3 Overseas Labour Suppliers 3.3 The Field Survey Design 3 .3 . 1- Selection of the Study Area 3.3.2 Selection of Respondents and Sampling

ii iii v vii x xiv >(V xvii 1

L 4 8

T6 18

t9 19 20 32 40 44 50 55 59 62 66 66 f1'72

'75 78 81 82

vlll

Procedures for Household Survey Field Data Collection 3.3.3 . 1 Interviewing Respondents .2 In-Depth Interviews and Direct Observation 3.4 Field Data Editing and Processing 3.5 Conclusion 3

CHAPTER 4

a

J

3

4.r Introduction

of Indonesian Labour Migration 4.2.I Indonesia's Colonial Period 4.2.2 Af ter Independence A-) Indonesian Government, Policy on Sending Workers Overseas 4.4 Implementation of the Overseas Worker Program 4 5 Studies of Indonesian Internat.ional 4.2 Pattern and Scale

Labour Migration

CHAPTER

5 5 5

5

5

5

6 6

6

6

STUDY AREA: THE CONTEXT OF POPULATION MOBILITY

1 Introduction 2 The Physical Sett.ing 3 The Province of West Java 5.3.1 Population Growth and Distribution 5.3 .2 Socio-economic Conditions 4 Desa Sukasari 5.4.I Population Distribution and Density 5.4.2 Socio-economic Conditions 5 Conclusion

CHAPTER 6

Concl-usuion

6

6

108 110 111

INDONESIAN INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRÄTION:

AN OVERVIEW

4

91,

105 l-05

THE CAUSES AND PROCESS OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRÀTION IN WEST .JAVA,INDONESIA

1 fntroduction 2 Mobility in West Java 3 Population Mobilit.y in Desa Sukasari 4 Thg Process of Internat,ional

Labour Migration From Desa Sukasari 6.4.I The Decision to Migrate 6.4.2 The Role of Middlemen 5 Conclusion

11_ 3

1

l-3

L1-4

7]-4

IL9

129 131

r40 L41

L4B

r48 150 L56 t-56 L66 L70

I10 r74 LB4

185 1_85

186 19s L91

2II

2L3 2L7

IX

C}IAPTER

7:

TMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION: THE TNDIV]DUAL LEVEL OF ANALYSIS

.t Introductron 7.2 Demographic Characteristics of OCWs 1.2 .l- Gender Selectivity '7 .2 .2 Age Selectivity .,. .3 Marital Status 7.2 .4 Level of Modernity 7 3 Soc io-Economic Condition '7.3 .I Income Level and Employment /.J .2 Social Welfare .3 Social/Political Participation Upon Return 7.4 Conclusion '7

CHAPTER B: IMPACT OF TNTERNATTONAL LABOUR MIGRÄTION: THE HOUSEHOLD LEVEL OF ATVALYSTS

Introduction 8.2 Demographic Characteristics of the Household I .2.t Family/Household Size and Composition I .2 .2" Marriage/Divorce and Fertility 8.3 S ocio-economic Condition of the Household B .3 . 1- Income Level and Employment I .3.2 Social Welfare 8 .3.3 Social/Politica1 Participation 8.4 C onclusion B. 1-

CIIAPTER

9:

IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR-A,TION THE COMTIUNTTY LEVEL OF A\TALYSTS

9. l- Introduction 9. 2 Demographic Impact on Community 9. 3 Socio-Economic Impact on Community

9.3.1- Income Level and Distribution

9.3.2 Employment 9.3 .3 Social

9.4 Concl usLon CIIAPTER

10:

IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR.A,TION: THE NATTON LEVEL OF AIVALYSIS

10.1 Introduction 10.2 Demographic fmpacts 10. 3 Socio-Economic Impacts l-0.3 . 1 Income Level and Distribution 1-0.3 .2 Employment 10 . 3 . 3 Foreign Exchange l-0.4 Conclusion

2]-9 21,8

220 220 ¿zó 231-

233 237 237 242 243

248

25r

25I 253 253 259 265 265 277 286 289

29L 291-

294 300 300 303 3 l-1 3L8

32t 321-

323 324 325 330 332 334

x

l-l-: CONCLUSION 339 l-l-.1 Introduction 339 IL"2 Findings and Implications Reqarding the Scale, Pattern and Causes of International Labour Migration 340 1l-.3 Findinqs and Implications Regarding the impact of Impact of International Migration.344 11.3 .1 Individual and Family 344 LL.3.2 Community and Nation 345 1-1-.4 Some Policy Implications 34'7 l-l-.5 Sugrgestions for Further Research 349 11-. 6 Conclusion 354

CIIAPTER

REFERENCES

355

APPENDICES

3'79

Appendix

1"

Appendix

2

Appendix

3

Appendix

4

Country Distribution of Legal Indonesian düerseas Workers L979 / 80-l-991 / !992

Village Questionnaire (English Summary) Listing of the Overseas Workers, Desa Sukasari, 1,992 (English Summary) Household Questionnaire (English Summary

Appendix

5

)

The Score of Socio-economic Variables

380

382 400 40l_

465

LIST OF TABLES Table 1"1

2.L 2.2

Page

Distribution of Indonesian Population and Growth Rate , 1-971--1990 A Framework for the Analysis of the Impacts of International Labour Migration on the Sending Country (Adapted from Hugo, L982a : l-91 , L987:140) Some Demographic and Socio-Economic Impacts of International Labour Migration Upon Sending countriy (Extracted and adapted from Hugo,

L4

42

XI

1985a:

)L

3.1 3.2 3.3

3.4 3

5

3.6 3.1 ?o

?q 3.1_0

:

J. !J ¿t/t

3.l_s

,34,6L)

Indonesian Overseas Workers from Kecanatan Cianjur ,".ince L919 Total- Population, Households and Overseas Contract Workers in Sukasari Village The Value of Reliability The Total Sample of Respondents for Pilot. Survey

3 .l_1

3.r2 '> 12

L9

Proportion of Households wíth Consumer Goods (with and without overseas contract labour), 1983 Value of Total Merchandise Exports and Recorded Net Remittances for Sefected Asian Countries, 19BB -I99L Number of Indonesian Citizens Overseas at the End of Year L981 -7992 fndonesian Worker Identification Form (Daftar Identi-tas Tenaga Kerja Indonesia) Questionnaire for Overseas Contract Worker Candidates (Designed by the Indonesian Manpower Supplier Association (fMSA) Indonesia: Number of Administrative Units, L992 The Province of Origin of Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five Year Development Plan, Aprif 1989-March 1992 The Origin (kecamatan) of Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five Year Development Plan, April 1989-August L992

2.3

:

The Topic of Questions in the Questionnaire of OCW and Non-OCW Household The Calcul-ation of Nn.Sh2 Sample OCW Households in Each Dusun Sample OCW Households in Each Dusun Accordj-ng to Mal-e and Female OCWs OCW Household Respondents According to Dusun, Stat.us of OCW, Sex of OCW and Sample Non-OCW Households

4 .1-

4.2 4.3 4.4 4

5

4.6 4.1 5.1_

5.2

The Population of Surinam in 1949 fndonesian People in Malaya Accordj-ng to L947 Census of Malaya The Bawean Population in Singapore, IB49-1951 Average Annual Labour Force Growth Rates,

Asian Countries, l-880 -201,0 Number of Indonesian Overseas Workers 1-969/74-I992/93 by Gender, Processed by PusaI

AKAN

of Indonesian Overseas Workers April l-989-January 1,992 by Gender and T¡zpe The Problems Encountered by Sukasari's OCWs Population Distribution and Growth Rate of Indonesia, t911, to 1-990 Number and Growth Rate of Population and

43 tr1

61

15

BO

B4

B4

B7

90 95 91

99 1_00

103

r04

r04 108 115

IL6 118

L23 1-24

Number

L26 139 L51

xll

Urbanisation, Kabupaten in West Java, 1_97r-L990

5.3

5.5 5.6 5.7 x

5.9 5.1_0

5.11

5.1,2

0 1_

5.4

5

1_6

Population Distribution of West Java, by Urban/Rural Areas and Gender, 1,97t to 1990 r_6 Population Distribution and population Density of West Java , 19'71 to l-990 L63 Total Transmiqrantion of West Java and Kabupaten Cianjur 1986 / 8"7 -1990 / 9t r-6 5 Distribution of Indonesian Population Accordingr to Island ( in 1, 000, 000 ) 1-66 Population Aged 10 Year and Over by Occupation, West .Tava t9'7 1--1-990, Kabupaten Cianjur and Desa Sukasari 1990 ]-67 The Population of Aged 1-0 and Over by Activity, Place of Residence and Gender, West .Tava, I97L, l-980, L990 Census 1,69 Population Density of Kecamatan Cianjur by Desa (Urban and Rural Areas), 1990 1,72 Population Distribution of Kecamatan Cianjur by Desa(Urban and Rural Areas)and Gender, 1990 L73 The Population of Sukasari by Dusun, 1991, t74 Population 15 Years of Aged and Over by Employment Status/T\æe, Sex and Dusun, Desa Sukasari, ]-991 (percentages) L75 The Proportion of Population 10 Years of Age and Over by Educational Attainment,

: :

5.13

Villages of Kecamatan Cianjur, Kabupaten Cianjur, West Java and Indonesia, L99O Selected Facilities in Desa Sukasari 1,992, and Kecamatan Cianjur 1-990 Indonesia: Outmigration and Inmigration as a Percentage of Provincial Resident Population, L9"71,, 1980 and 1990 West .Java: Percent Distribution of Provinces of Destination of Outmig:rants and Orj-gin of Inmigrants (lifetime migration) , L971,, 1980

5.14 6 .1-

6.2

]-nd l-990

Selected Economic and Education Facilities in Cianjur City and Sukasari Village, L992 Place of Work of Working Household Heads

6.3

6.4 6.5 6.6

Reasons for Working Overseas (Returned OCWs) Having Family/Rel-atives or Friends Overseas Before Returned OCWs Went Overseas for Work Administration Cost Paid by Female OCW Households Before Femal-e OCWs Depart Overseas

6.'7

by Region Tránslation from Poster of Plate 6.1, Time Consumed in Departure Preparation for Overseas Work 6. r_0 Return Migrants by Decision to Work Overseas 6. l_1_ Total of Loan to be Paid Back to Middlemen, Desa Sukasari The First Source of Information About Working 6.L2 6.8 6.9

:

L79 1-82

r87

189 1_9

5

L96 20L

20s 207 2]-0 21,1,

21,3

:

21-4

xltr

'7.L 1

2

7

3

1

4

1.5 1.6 7 .'7

7.8 7.9 7.1,0

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7

8.8 8.9

8.

r-0

8.

11-

8.12 8.r_3

8.L4 B.

1-5

Overseas and the Content According to Returned Migrrants Headship of Households According to tlpe of Household by Gender and the Average of Age The Average Age and Aqe at First Marriage of OCWs and Non-OCW Household Head by Gender OCWs Accordinq to the Gender and the Status of Household and Marital Status Comparison of Percentages of Divorce Between Rural West ,Java, Sukasari Village and Sample Survey Modernity Score of Respondents The Income of OCWs in Overseas and the Income of Returnees in Their Homel-and The Reasons for not Working Among unemployment Returned OCWs

The Social/Political Participation of Respondents (percent) The Role of Respondent in Social/political Organizations Contribution by Respondents in Ideas, Money and Manpower for Village development Household Composition of the Nuclear and Extended Family of the OCW and Non-OCW

Households Average Number of Household Member of the OCW and Non-OCW Households, Distribution of the Member According to Age and Sex Ratio Number of Persons in Each Household Length of Time Working Overseas of Returned OCWs and OCWs still Working Overseas Household Problems According to the Respondent Fertility Level of Returned OCW and Non-OCW According to Age Group The Average Household Income (in thousand

rupiah a month) According to the Main Job of the Head of Household Median rncome (in Rp1-000/ month) of the Head of Household from the Main Occupation Socio-economic Condition of Households Some Sel-ective Possesions Owned by the Household Perception of Some Conditions of the Household Compared with 5 Years Ago Benefit of Workinq Overseas According to the Head of the Household Opinions of Non-OCW Households About OCW Household Level of Education of the Members of the Households Average Household Expenditure a Month (in 1,000 rupiah)

2L6 228 229

23]233 236 239

24r 246 246

248 254 256 257 260 262

265 266 26'7

27I 273 276

278 280

284 285

XIV

B.L6

Lr7 9.r 9.2 9.3

9.4 9

5

9

6

9

1

10 1

r0 .2

Level- of Social /PoLitical ParLicipation of Household Members Household Member Aged l-5 Years and Over

According to Their Participation Overseas Contract Workers And the PopuJ-at.ion 1-5 Years of Age and Over, Sukasari Village Demographic Characteristics of Sub-villages

of Sukasari, 1991Estimate of the Flow of Remittances to Desa Sukasari until 1,992, by Dusun The Averaqe of RemitLances which have been Brought to Sukasari by Each OCW until November 1-992 by Status of OCW and Sex (in 000) The Occupat.ion of OCWs Before and After Working Overseas The Use of Remittances for Productive Efforts by Dusun The Creation of Employment by Overseas Contract Workers j-n the Place of Origin The Place of Origin of Indonesian Overseas Employment (PPTKf) in I99I,Leqal Indonesian Overseas Workers 1-989/90-1-991-/1-992 bV Sex and the Proximate Illegal Workers to Malaysi-a. Flows of Remittances Througrh Indonesian Government Bank, According to Bank fndonesia

ao1 I

4O

2BB

)o/ 291 301

302 306 309 310

321

)')

Â

LTST OF FIGURES

Figure 1-.1-

2.L 3.1 ??

)A J.t

3.5 3.6

Page

Indonesia: Location of Provinces Processes in an Immigration System Indonesia: Departure Card Indonesia: Arrival- Card The Province of Origin of Official Registered Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five Year Development Plan, April 1-989-March L992 The Regency of Origin of Official Registered Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five Year DevelopmenL Plan, April 1989-March 1992 The Kecamat.an of Origin of Official Registered Indonesian Overseas Workers, in t.he Fifth Five Year Development P1an, April l-989-August 1-992 Sukasari Village: Research Area

15 30 12

/3

B5

B6

88 92

XV

4.L 4.2 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5

: : : : : : :

1.2 8.1

: : : :

8.2 8.3 9.1

: : :

6.r

1.I

9)

11 1 11 2

: : :

Indones ian Migrat ion t.o Malays ia , 19 4i The Flow of Legal Indonesian Overseas Workers I919l80-L993/94 by Gender West Java: Physical Situation Sukasari Village Transportation Networks, West Java Annual Population Growth Rat.e in Indonesj_a by Provinces, I97I-1980 and 1980-1990 Annual Population Growth Rate in West Java

by Regencies/Municipal-ities, L97I-1_980 and 1980-1990 T\zpology of Population Mobility in Indonesia Employment of Foreign Maids from Indonesia in Malaysia The Age Structure of OCWs by Gender Age Struct.ure of Household Members of OCW and Non-OCW Household in Sukasari and Rural West Java (percentage) The Use of the Remi-ttances in Desa Sukasari Scale of Economic CondiLions of the Household Population Plzramid of Sukasari Village, L99I, Cianjur Sub-District, Cianjur District, West Java, and Indonesia Population, 1990 Aqe Structure of Desa of Sukasari, by Dusun 199T Australia: Departure Card Australia: Arrival Card

L1,l ]-25 151

L54 155

158

159 L92 225 230

258 270 274

298 299 ?tr,

353

LIST OF PLATES

Plate 5.1 5.2 s.3 6.1_

B.l_ B

2

I

3

Paqe

A Wet Rrce Field rn Sukasari: green and fert i le Sukasari: Trees of "Melinjo" The Youngr Villag'ers as a Tukang Ojek (motor

cycle drivers for public transportation), Sukasari Looking for Overseas Employment: It is Easy (the poster explains the steps of overseas employment arrangements in Indonesia) Return OCW Business: digging a hill to coll-ect sand and st,one for sale Female Returned OCW with Her family and Her New House Unfinished house of OCW household: waiLing another remittance

t_53

L]1 181 209 268 211 219

xvl

8.4

9.I

Return OCW houses: the old and the new. . . the new house (brick wall) was built beside the o1d one (bamboo/wood wall): outcome of overseas contract work A Thoroughfare under the railway to Cilaku Hilir: car and motor cycle can pass here

28t 3 t_5

xvll

ABBREVIATTONS AND GLOSSARY

Balai AKAN The Reqional Centre for Overseas Employment (Balai Latihan Kerja) Job Training Centre BLK (Biro pusat Statistik) Central Bureau BPS of Statis tics Buruh Tani Farmhand Desa Village Devisa Foreiqn Exchange Dusun Sub-village Emping Melinjo gitter Nut Creackers (Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara) Broad GBHN Outlines of the Nation,s Direction plait of bamboo, especially for wal1 Gedek Haji Hajj rMSA rndonesian Manpower supplier Association .Turu Tulis The Secretary of the Villaqe Kabupaten Reqency (or District) Kecamatan District (or Sub-district) Kelurahan '-Village (in urban areas) Khitanan Circumsion of son (Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat) Non LSM

Government Organisation Mencari nafkah To earn a subsistence income Merantau Spontaneous out migration Nenek Moyanq Forefathers

Nglaju Ojek "Oknr-rm" Pesantren PKK Posyandu PPTKI Pusat AI(AN Puskesmas

Commuting

Motorcycle for public transportation a government officiat who abuse his authorj-ty Religious boarding school (pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarg,a) The movement for family welfare education (pos pelayanan Terpadu) The community integrated service post (perusahaan pengerah Tenagra Kerja Indonesia) Indonesian Manpower Supplier (Pusat Antar Kerja Antar Negara) Cènter for Overseas Employment, Indonesian Department of Manpower

(Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat) Community Heal-th Centre

(Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia) a Private Television Broadcasting (Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun) five year REPELTTA Development Plan Sawah Vrlet rice field Surat Kelakuan Baik Good behaviour certificate RCTI

xvur

Swadaya

Masyarakat

Melinj o/ Tangkil TKW

Tukang Ojek UGREM

Usaha Gotongr Royong

Ustadz Warga

Wartel Warungr

Efforts of the Community Ïtself eitter Nuts (Tenaga Kerja Wanita) Female worker Ojek Driver (Usaha Gotong Royong Umat Islam) Mutual Self-help Effort of Muslems The Mutual Self-help Effort Term of address for Islam teacher Member (Warung telepon) Smal1 telephone office SmaLl restaurant or sma1l shop

I

Chapter

One

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Introduction The growing international-isation improvements in travel,

and

the

ease and cost

the

corporations,

are

activities all

international

of

multi-national

of

factors

significant

explosion of international-

the great

of capital,

in

the

labour mj-gration in the Iast

decade or so .(-Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, 1997 zL; Hugio, I9B9:24, I993a:36; Fong, L993:301; Spaan, I994293;

StaIker, that

I994221-40) . Massey (1988:394) has pointed out

"development makes international

movement easier,

cheaper, and more rel-iabl-e, and substantially cost of

information

concerning foreign

reduces the

opportunities".

Hence as development proceeds, international increases in

both scale and complexity.

overseas workers can have benefits areas of origin.

The flow

of

and/or costs for the

Appleyard (1989) has observed that while

some bel-ieve that international-

extremely

migration

harmful

to

origin

labour migration has been societies

because it

increases the level- of dependency of sending countries (mostly

less

countries

(mostly more developed countries),

developed

countries)

upon

receivingr

others argue

2

that this

movement can contribute

substantiaJ_Iy to the

economic growth of both sending and receiving

countries

"

The flow of labour from the sending countires is said to reduce unempJ-oyment, bring much needed foreign exchange and reduce income and social- inequalities other hand, receiving

countries

deveJ-opment and qrowth.

detailed

while on the

need Iabour for

However, there

is

their

a lack of

research focussing upon the impact of labour

migration in the origin areas (Hugo, I9B2azI89; 1987:136; 1993c:13; Appleyard, I982:260), and hence debate on the issue is inadequately informed by empirical evídence. Hugo (1987:136I observed that there has been a dearth of research on the consequences of al-I forms of migration compared to a considerable volume of works on the causes

of migration.

Despite this interest, detailed research into the impact of migration on individuals, famílies, communities and the nation of origin is limited (Simmons, I9B2z163;

Hugo, 1987:136, I993a236, 1993d:I22-L23; Appleyard, 1989:497). Editors of the International- Migration Revíew ( 1989 2396) observed that " . . . scholarship on internationalmigration stil-l- is searching for a general theory capable of eJ-ucidating the mult.ipJ-e f acets of the compJ_ex human drama involved in international migration." At present, as Massey et . al . ( 1 993:432) point out, "there is no

3

singJ-e, coherent theory of international

migration,

only

a frag'mented set of theories that have developed largely in isol-ation from one another, sometimes but not aÌways segmented by

disciplinary

boundaries".

attempts to make a contribution the

individual,

study

ín this area by examining

the impacts of Indonesian international at

This

labour migration

family/household,

community

and

nat ional level- s .

International

contract

labour

Indonesia as a "non-oil-

export

has become known in commodity", following

Keely (1989:501-) who stated that migration

"is like

the

export of commodities. " The sending of Indonesian workers to other countries under the coordination for

of the Center Overseas Employment (Pusat AKAN) I), Indonesian

Department enlarging

o

f

Manpo\^¡er, has

the country's

been

cont ribut ing

to

labour market share, with the

stated purpose of helping

solve unemployment problems

and earning foreign exchange (Pusat AKAN, n.d).

r) Since lgg4 Pusat AKAN has been changed by Ministeríal Regulation NO:PER-02/MEN/I994 become Direktorat Jasa Tenaga Ker¡a Luar Negeri (Directorate of Overseas Manpower Services)

4

L.2 Objectives of the Study The flow

of

overseas workers will-

impacts on the country of origin. impact. of international for

migrants

are bel-ow the to

One recent study of the

although the earnings of

earnings of

stayers,

return

Puerto Rico from the United States

increasinq the likelihood their

some

movement by Enchautegui (1991),

example, concluded that

returnees

always have

of EngJ-ish fluency,

are

increasing

earninqs by providing returnees with a comparative

advantage in the manufacturlnq sector.

Foreign employment is often viewed by the labour sending countries as a safety valve for domestic unemployment and underemployment and a partial balance of payments deficits

solution

6a,' Marius,

1987 : 1)

.

excessive

(Arnold and Shah, 1986:3;

Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, I99I:I; 198

to

Secretariat,

ESCAP

Since the

Thírd

Five

Year

Development Plan (I919- 1984) the Indonesian government began pJ-anning to overseas contract solving

increase

the number of

workers as part

of its

unemployment problems and for

exchange (Singhanetra-Renard, Kependudukan Universitas

Penel-itian

strategy

for

earning foreign

L984; Pusat

Penel-itian

Gadjah Mada, 79862I-4; Pusat

dan Pengembanqan Tenaga Kerja,

Tenaga Kerja,

Indonesian

Departemen

1991:3) " Between I979/80-1993/94 Indonesia

sent I,041,034 Indonesian workers to other countries,

64

5

percent of them to Saudi Arabia (Appendix 1) . There is also a significant

flow of Indonesian workers to Malaysia

and Singapore, although most of it these

numbers have increased

Spaan, I994)

social-

int.ernational families, origin.

and

(Hugo, I993a;

recently

.

The overall- aim of this economic,

is undocumented

and

study is

investigate

the

demographic consequences of

labour migration

their

to

on the migrants,

communities of origin

their

nation of

and their

It approaches this through a detailed case study

of Indonesia but al-so attempts to make a contribution the limited

amount of empirical

findings

to

in the area of

the consequences of migration. Employment and income are two elements that

workers seek. This study investigates

overseas

whether skills

and

experiences may improve, or are useful for the migrants and their

community and to establish

whether overseas

households tend t.o have lower levels of unemployment than

non-mígrant household poputations.

What kind of jobs

do

returnees have and what kinds of employment have been created by overseas contract workers? Has the income of overseas contract workers (OCWs) changed? Is it possible that

remittances

have multiplier

effects

consumption and investment may create

since

both

employment and

6

affect the socio-ecomomic deveropment of the community in the region? Working overseas may have consequences also for the weII-

being of both migrant and non-mig:rant households.

What

has been the impact of overseas contract workers on the well-beingr of the community of origin? Are returnees more modern than participation activities

non-migrants? of

in their

migrants

What are the in

various

levels

of

sociar /poriticar

community? Are the fertility

level_s

of migrant households l-ower than those of non-migrant households or, - do overseas contract workers have Iower fertility?

Do overseas contract

workers

red.uce the

popuJ-ation growth in the place of origin?

This study

seeks al-so to identify

the contribution

of remittances in

the balance of payments of t.he country of origin. The following are the specific

ob;ectives of the study:

1. To analyse the impacts of internationat labour migration upon the migrants themselves (individuals) . There is little existing knowledge of how migration impacts upon the skills, attitudes and socio-economic status of migrants in Indonesia. This

involves not onJ-y an analysis of how they enhance their economic and human resources by migration but

1

also how they use them on their

return to Indonesia

and to establ-ish whether mígratíon is a net positive or negative experience j-n terms of the migrants' ohrn

social and economic welJ-being.

2

To elucidate migration the

the impacts of international

on the migrants'

families.

To

labour

clarify

costs and benefits of the move in terms of the

adjustments which have to be made in the absence of the migrant, the remittances received during migrant's

the

absence, the uses made of them and the

impact on' the famiJ-y of the return of the migrant. This must invol-ve direct

comparison of the wellbeing

of mi-grant households with non-migrant households.

3

To examine migration

the ímpact of international

labour

on the home communit.y. Here an attempt

wil-Ì be made to answer the question of whether there is a role for international

labour migration in the

social and economic development of communities?

4. Thís study wil-I al-so assess the cont.ribution of international- migratÍon to the overal-l- development goals of the nation. In particular it wilI assess whether it has any significant effect upon domestic unemployment and underemployment.

8

5

1

A final aim is to draw some implications from the findings of the study for policy makers and planners in labour sending nations Iike Indonesia \^/ith respect to identifying how to maximise the benefits of such migration and minimise the costs.

.3 The Context of t.he

St,udy

One of the most dramatic of the many changes which have

swept Asia i-n the last internationaÌ in

this

two decades is the increase in

population movement. An important element

is.bemporary

international

Iabour migration.

Since the Arab oil- embargo of I913 and the consequent rapid ríse in the price of crude oi1, the Middle East has increasingly

become a magnet for

improve the j-r economic Iot ESCAP

Secretariat,

people who r^iant to

(Arnold and

, I98 6:3,' 1986a; AbeIIa, I99Iz4), working at allShah

level-s and sectors of government, industry and In

1970 the

GuIf

Cooperative Countries

commerce.

(GCC) which

include Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates, had 1.1 million foreign workers but this

had increased to

additional

2 milÌion

The proportion

5.2 million

in

1990 with

an

in Iraq (Omran and Roudi, 1993:22)

of foreiqn

comprised over two-thirds

.

workers in the Gul-f states of the overal-I labour force,

while Saudi Arabia attracted

about 55 percent of those

9

foreign workers (Omran and Roudi, 1993223). Asian workers has increased substantially

The number

of

since the 1970s

(Omran and Roudi, 1993224) and in 1985 about

3

\^rere working in the Middle East. However after

invasion of Kuwait this probabJ-y dropped to million (AbeJ-Ia, I99I:15)

5 million the

l-ess

I

raqi

than

3

.

Besides the flow of Asian workers to the

Middle East in

recent years, other flows of Asian workers have occured to neighbouring countrj-es within Asía. As Lim (1991:I-2) stated:

"Asia has emerged as an increasingly important destination, East and Southeast Asia, being the most economically dynamic region in the contemporary worId, has attracted rapidly qrowinq numbers from outside and within the continent. As the Asian countries themsel-ves experience, on the one hand, significantJ-y different rates and patterns of demographic and growing economic transition and, on the other, interdepedence fostered by trade, capital- investments, political relations, the operations of transnational corporations, social networks, etc., Iegal and iJ-legal intrareqional- migration has also escalated". The major flow in this intra-Asian movement is toward the

rapidly growing economies of Japan and the "Ne\¡r Industrialising Countries" (Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea) where sharp fertility declines have created Iabour shortages (Hugo, I990, 1993a; Fong, I993; AppJ-eyard, 1993) . In the meantime, countries in the region witfr J-arge populations, slower rates of economic

10

grov/th and l-ower levels

of GNP per capíta,

Indonesia, the Philippines, been the main providers

such

as

Thaj-land and Vietnam, have of

(Appleyard, 1993)

Iabour

.

Since the mid 1980s, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand have taken

off

as a second generatíon

economies (Fong, 1993) .

of

emerging

This growth has consequently

resulted in shortages of labour in Malaysia, where it been projected that some 1.1 million new jobs will

has be

created over the I99I-1995 period (Hugo, I993a:65). The economic growth of Countries"

Japan, the

(ñI-Cs) and Malaysia,

"Neh¡ Tndustrial

initially

created Iow

levels of manpo\^/er shortages. Many educated, especialJ_y university

graduates, \^iere unwilling

"dirt.y" occupatlons out

that

reluctance

in

dangerous jobs. numbers of fuLfil-l that

, I990a:23) . Fong (1993) pointed countries there was increasing

(Hugo

those

for

to enter Iow-paid or

people to

accept dirty,

This resul-ted in

ilJ-egal-,

foreign,

difficult

the need for

Iow-level

or

large

manpower to

those kind of jobs. Hugo (1993:36) demonstrates

the flow of iIJ-egal migrants in this

intra-Asian

movement is an important el-ement.

Indonesia, a rel-atíve Iatecomer to the cont.ract-Iabour market (RDCMD-YTKf, l9B6z6; Kelly, I9B1:1; Cremer, 19BB:73; Hugo et.aI , I9B7:I73, Hugo, I992a:181-,

11

Appleyard, 1993:2'70; Spaan, I994:105) sends

1993b:I1,1 ;

workers abroad mainly to Saudi Arabia East)

and Malaysia and Singapore (within in

relation

Asia) .

The

sanctioned Indonesian migrants is

number of officiaJ-ly small

(in the Middte

to

those who have left

Indonesía

(Lim, I99I:15) . Indonesia provides hundreds of

illegally

illegal

thousands of (Appleyard,

1993

workers to neighbouring Malaysia

:210) and a larqe number of them

empJ-oyed in palm oil,

\^/ere

cocoa, rubber and tea plantations

and various development projects.

The examinati.on of the impact of

Indonesian overseas

workers will- provide an understanding of the negative positive

views of international for

labour migration.

and

This is

development plans in

important,

especially

future

Indonesia.

Since the Third Five Year Development PIan

(I919-I984),

Indonesia has attempted to expand employment

opportunities

both in and out of the country and also to

find how to best capture and use the remittances and the skiIIs/experiences Penelitian

productive

for

activities

dan Penqembangan Tenaga Kerja,

(Pusat Departemen

Tenaga Kerja, 1991). The Sixth Five Year Development PIan

(L994-I999) attempts to significantly quantity

and qual-ity

of

the

increase both the

workers sent

overseas.

Indonesia was chosen for this study not onJ-y because the researcher

is

Indonesian,

but

also

because of

the

t2

increas ing

mobilÍty

significance

this

type

of

population

in Indonesia.

Indonesia is stiII force,

of

and in

(Repelita

v)

facing massive growth in the Iabour

the Fifth (1989

Five

/90-1993/94)

Year Development Plan the

Indonesian labour

market had to create 11.5 mil-lion ¡obs just to absorb the net increment to the labour force. Currently an extra 2.3 mil-Iion ¡obs need to be created each year (Hugo, 1993b: factors in the 35, 12) . This is one of the significant flow of Indonesian workers to other countries, (1990 222) has ,pointed out,'

as

Hugo

"In 1990, Indonesia had 17.1 million workers and this is projected to increase to BB.5 million in 2000, and 103.3 mill-ion in 201,0. Hence over the next two decades jobs is required a net increase of 31.6 mill-ion (afmost hal-f as many jobs again as existed in 1990 ) . governments wiII In such contexts it is certain that continue to look at placing some of their workers temporarily or permanently in other nations. "

The Indonesian labour market itself has a Iimited capacity to absorb the growth in the labour force and hence, there r^ras a significant increase in unemployment in Indonesia during RepeJ-ita V. Between 1980 and 1990 the unemployment rate increased from I.4 to 2.8 percent for males and 2.3 to 3.9 percent for females (Hugro, 1993b: 83) . Hugo (1993b) points out that this is especíaIly concentrated in the young school l-eaver age category. Underemployment (people who report working l-ess

l3

than 35 hours per week) in Indonesia is also stiII high (38.6 percent of workers in 1990) and this must be addressed in the development efforts of the country. At the 1990 Census the population of Indonesia r^¡as I19t248,000, but r¡.ras unevenly distributed between the 21 provinces (Table 1.1 and Eigure 1.1). It \^/as estimated t.hat in mid-1992 the population of Indonesia had reached 184.35 milÌion people with an average annual growth rate of I.64 percent (Country Report: Indonesia, 1992zI). This indicates that the rate of popuJ-ation growth in Indonesia has declined s{nce the I91I Census. Table 1.1 shows that during I91I-1980 the population growth rate per annum was 2 .4 percent, whereas during 1 98 0 -f99 0 it vi as 2 .0 percent. The major components which influence population growth are fertility and mortality, but fertifity control \^ias an important component in the reduction of population growth rates in Indonesia " The Total FertiJ-ity Rate has declined from 5.6 children in the l-ate 1960s to 3 children per women in the 1990s (Hugo, L993b:36).

t4

Table 1.1 Dist,ribution of Indonesian Population and Grorvth Rate,

197

1-1990

Population

Average Growth

Rate

(,000)

Province Census

I91

DI Aceh North Sumatera West Sumatera RIAU

Jambi

South Sumatera Bengkulu Lampung

DKI Jakarta

West Java

Central Java DI Yogyakarta East Java ': Bal-i

West Nusa Tenggara East Nusa Tenggara East Timor West Kal-imantan Central- Kalimant an South Kalimantan East Kalimantan North Sulawesi Central Sulawesi South Sulawesi Southeast Sulawesi MaLuku

Irian Jaya

T

2, 009 6, 6ZZ ¿l

I, rl ?

2, 4,

2I, )1

2,

)c,

2, 2, 2,

193 642 006 441,

519 111 519 624 811 489 517 120 203 295

n.a

2, 020

102 T, 699

Census 1980

2, 6rr 8,351 3, 406 2, L64

r,

444 4, 628 168 4 , 624 6 ,ABL

21 ,450 25 ,36'7 2 ,'7 50 20 , r69 2 , 410 2 ,'7 24 2

1'71

555 2, 485 954

2,063

r,2r5

I,

134 119

2tII5

tr J,

9]-4 181

6,060

I,

r,284

114

942

089 923

1,408 r, I07

Census

per

1,L9

I91 T-

1980-

990

1980

1

3, 4]-6 ,252 4,000

2.6

3.0

3,2'7

3.1_

2.1 ¿.u L.6 4.2

1

).0

9

2,0r8 6,3r2 r, 119

6, 0r6 8,228 35,381

28,5L6 ,

L,

32,

01? JLJ 4BB

2,7'71

3,369 3,268

148

'1 )',> A

J t L-v

r,396

¿.¿

4.r ?A

0.6 1.1

n.a )?

)1

1, 853

J.Z

1.1 1.5 r.'7 2.4 2.0

r.1

1,630

1, 875 2, 4'7'7 1,703 6,980

?1 J.J

4.3

r,349

tr,q'l

990

4.5 5.8 4.0 2.1

3.5 2.2 s.B z.J 3.9 1.8 3.1

)

,208 r4'7 ,332 r'7 9 ,248 Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, 1992, ]-994

TotaI

(%

annum)

)o

2

.4

2.4 2.5

r.2

r.2 2.r

1.8 3.0 2.1 3.8 2.3 4.3

r.6 r.4

2.8

3.6 a'1

3.6 2

.0

15

Figure 1.1 Indonesia: LocaÈion of Provinces

/

PHILIPPINES

WEST tA

o

EAST MALAYSIA

a

'.1'

o

\

t

I

\

\

e

SU MATRA a

I ,

I

I

I

a\

I I

KALIM

Bengku

I

t I

,

JAVA

I

IRIAN JAYA I

I

I

Lampu

,

N

I

BALI o

w

E

NUSA TENGGAÊA

0

Kms 5OO

ú

0

,o

E TIMOR

¡$c

1OOO

É AUSTRALIA

Source: Biro Pusat SÈatistik,

1991

16

L.4 Organisation of the Thesis This thesis consists of nine chapt.ers. Chapter One attempts to justify this study in terms of the significant issues relatin to the consequences of international labour migration on sending countries, particularly rndonesia. After outrining the objectives of the study, it briefly discusses the context of the study to show the growing importance of international labour migration. chapter Two discusses some relevant theories of migration and some resea-r'ch f indings to erucidate the causes and consequences of the international

l-abour movement. This

section attempts to provide a framework that is used to analyse the impacts of int.ernational labour migration on Indonesia at the Ìevels

of the individual,

household,

community and nation.

chapter Three discusses the method of cotlecting data to assess the impacts of overseas contract workers. It. assesses the potentíaJ- sources of rndonesian overseas

contract labour data and discusses the data coll-ection methods used in this study. rt describes the process of seJ-ecting the research area, sampling procedures, correction and processing. An overview of the pattern of

r7

Indonesian

internat iona-l

studies of this Considering migration,

movement

the

labour migration

and existing

then follows in Chapter Four.

context

of

international

labour

Chapter Fíve describes the physical situation

and presents a discussion of the changing demoqraphic and

socio-economic characterÍstics

of the study area in which

detailed fieldwork was undertaken. The causes and process of international

Iabour migration

in the research area

are examined in Chapter Six, based upon data coll-ected from the field.

Here, the difficulties

faced by migrants

during the proeess of migration are discussed. Chapters Seven to Ten provide the main empirical analysis

of this thesis and discuss the demographic and socioeconomic consequences of international- labour migration with reference to the study area. Chapter Seven analyses the impacts of international labour migration upon the migrants themselves (the individual level of analysis) . This involves an analysis of how they enhance their economic and human resources through migration and how they use them upon their return. Chapter Eight will attempt to elucidate the costs and beneflts of the move in terms of the adjustments which have to be made in the absence of the migrant, the remittances received during the migrant's absence and the uses made of them. Chapter

18

Nine examines the rol-e of internationalin

Iabour migration

the socíal- and economic development of

community.

Chapter

contribution

of international-

development goals

Ten of

the

attempts

to

migration nation,

the study

assess

the

to the overafl

particul-ar1y

the

contribut.ions made toward reducing domestic unemployment and the balance of payments deficit articulated

by the

international

Government of

which are the goals Indonesia

for

the

Iabour export program.

FinaJ-Iy Chapter El-even presents the conclusions of the study. It

inoLudes a summary of the major findings

draws some implications

and

for poJ-icy makers and planners in

countries sending overseas workers. Some recommendations for future research are put forward in the last part of this chapter.

1.5 Conclusion This introductory chapter has presented the aims of the study and has shown the effect of the movement of workers across the country boundaries on many aspects in both receivinq and sending countries. However the knowJ-edge of this impact is still limited and a framework for analysis is discussed in the next chapter.

Chapter THEORETICAL

T\rro

FR.ã}ÍEWORK

2.L Introduction Population mobility is frequent.ly part of, or a symptom of, processes producing chang'es in other social, economic

and demographic phenomena (Hugo , L9B5b:157 ) However there is relatively tittle l-j-terature on the impacts of labour migrat.ion and theoretical international limited (Wocd , I9B2; Hug:o , L9B2a; development is still Lewis , L9B6; Massey, et â1. , 1993 ) . Lewis ( 1986:21 ) for example, stated that there has not been much successful theoretical- construction about international labour migration, especially reqarding the reqional impact of the movement. Indeed, a comprehensive body of theory regardi-ng the consequences of migraLion in general is stil-l lacking. As Hugo (1985b:166) has pointed out, the role of population mobility as an independent variable explainingr social-, economic and demographic change within understood. It is clear that communities is still little the impact of migration upon well-being, economic development and inequality is complex; but the literature reqarding it is extremely fragmented and incomplete (Hugo

, 19B2a: 1-89;

Simmons

,

1982:165

¡

Swamy, 1985 : 51)

.

20

This chapter reviews theory regarding the relationship labour miqration and the between international individuals, such movement for consequences of households, corlrmunities and labour sending countries as a whole. A framework is developed for the analysis of the impact of international labour migration. The focus of this Lhesis is upon the consequences rather than the causes of international labour migration. However, âs Hugro (I982a: 189 ) has pointed ouL, " it is virt.ually impossible to separate the causes and consequences of population mobility" and therefore, thj-s section also reviews the theories of why people move and particularly of why they go to work abroad. 2.2 Explaining International Labour Mígration International labour migrat.ion is a sub-set of all international migration. International migration involves permanent and temporary, legal and illegal, forced and voluntary forms of movement (Hugo, L990:1; KrtLz, Keely and Tomasi, 1981-:xiv). Although both permanent and temporary movement have "siqnificant effects on the participants and the communities of origin and destinat.ion and t.here is a growing body of opinion that there are important linkages and feedback mechanisms linking temporary and permanent migration" (Hugro,

2t

, international labour migration (temporary) is very .dj-stinctive. It is clear that, unlike most other types of int.ernational miqration, international labour migration is intended to be a temporary movement, involving only workers who move to a country of destination solely to work. International labour migration can be viewed as a form of circulation which generally occurs over a relatively long time and which 1990a:1)

crosses country boundaries.

Moreover, in assessing the impact of international migration on thg. process of socio-economic development, is important to differentiate permanent and temporary " it flows " (Appleyard, I9B9:486). Without hiqh levels of unemployment or underemployment in one country and labour shortage in another, workers will generally not migrate across national borders, and in such cases both origin and destination countries have mutual- interests: 'Push-pu11' theories are the most widely held approach to explaining int.ernational migration (Portes, 1989) . They "A country with unemployed labour should export its if it can. The harvest of remittances and returning workers who were trained abroad is expected to accelerate economic growth enough to reduce unemployment and pressures to emigrate. Labor-importing countries expect to soon be over the labor-shortaqe phase of their development, limiting their need for migrant workers to a decade or less." (Papademetriou and Martin, l-991: ix) unemployed workers

)',

argue that the causes of migration are the existence of push factors in the area of origin and pull factors in

the area of destination which are stronger than those in t.he region of origin (Lee, 1966; Portes, 1989; Boyd, 1989). Overpopulation, poverty and famine, unemployment and underemployment or mechanisat.ion in the primary and secondary economic sectors generating surplus labour are examples of push factors. PuIl factors are for instance, with economic growth generating industrialisat.ion increased demand for labour, hiqher wage levels, better working conditions and social mobilì-ty opportunities or higher living standards in general (Spaan,L989:10). According to neoclassical economic theory, int.ernational labour migration occurs as a result of "differentials in

wages and employment condj-tions between countries " (Massey, êt âl., 1993:432) therefore, "labour moves from places where capital is scarce and where labour is plentiful (hence remuneration to the worker is low) to areas where capital is abundant and where labour is scarce (hence remuneration is high) " (Wood, I9B2:300). A[ the micro level, the neoclassical economics perspective sees the geographical mobility of workers as " respondingt to imbalanóes in the spatial distribution of land, labour, capital- and natural resources " (Wood , L9 82 :300; see also Clark , 19 86a: B3 ) . Imbalances in the spatial

23

factors

This equilibrium

migration. 'natural'

the

of

distribution

Todaro,

involved

7-980)

.

economic. calculation

induces migration

conditions"

as "a

Thus this of

(Wood, !982;

"People move because they

improve their living

cause

differences in social

(Hugo, I99I:2I).

model argues that. the ratíonal people

production

model sees migration

response to interregional

and economic opportunities" the

of

expect to

(Simmons, L982:l-68).

According to this perspective both equilibrium and migration cannot occur simultaneously. When equilibrium is establ-ishe{,. then the flow of migration to the destination area wilt stop. In other words, migration is a mechanism for establishing an equilibrium between the area of origin and destination. Massey ( 19BB : 3 B3 ) has arqued that: places of origin because their " People leave their countries are poor, underdeveloped, and consequently lack economic opportunity; they migrat.e to wealthy, developed nations to seek wider opportunities for employment at higher wages when standards of living are equalised through development, the economj-c incent.ives f or international movement will disappear and larqe-sca1e migration will end. " Neoclassical economic theory suqgrests that international (labour) migration from developing countries arj-ses due to the lack of economic development (Massey, 1988). However, âs Massey (1988:383 ) points out " economic

24

development.l in

the short run, does not reduce the

impetus for migrat.ion".Economic development causes people

responding to the prospecL of economic growth and enhanced productivity in emerqing urban areas " (Massey, 1988:384) . Some migrate to other countries, " seeking wider opportunities in more dynamic economies abroad" (Massey, 1-9BB :384 ) . In the long run, according to Massey ( 1988 : 383 ) , development will cause international (labour) migration to cease.

to miqrate,

''

At the macro level the neoclassical economics perspective sees the inÇg¡national labour movement as being influenced by geographic differences in supply and demand for fabour. The result of the differential in wages between the low wagre count.ry and the hiqh waqe country causes immigration into the high waqe country (Massey, et al.1993 :433 ) .

I According to Massey (1988:383 ) , "economic development to raise human is the appJ-icati-on of capital productivity, generate weal-th and increase national income. Associated with it are a constellati-on of social and cul-tural chanqes that scholars generally call 'modernisation' . Economic development and modernisation are mutually dependent and reinforcingr. Economic growth depends not only on amounts of fabor and capital, but also on institutional, cul-tural and technological factors that determine how labour and capital are used. At, the same time capital accumulation transforms socialinstitutions, cultural vafues and technologies in ways that affect the course of subsequent developmenL "

25

The hístorical-structuralist

approach "seeks the causes

of migration in the forces which structure the unequal spatiaJ- distribution of opportunities between regions " (Hugo, LggL:2I) . This approach sees the international labour movement aS being influenced by structural factors through their impact on the degree and the spatial distribution of, the demand for labour and on the associated forms of labour recruitment and remuneration (Wood , 1982:303; Clark , L986 : 83 ; Shrestha , 1-988:L91 ; Massey, et â1. , I993:433 ) International Hugo , IggI:2I; labour migration "can only be examj-ned in the context of the broader structural a+Slysis of historical social transformations underway in a particular formation"

(Wood

,

L982: 3 02 )

including:

the emergence and expansion of t.he capitalist mode of production; the style of development that is pursued; a country'S rol-e in the international division of l-abour; the unequal development between and within countries; the articulation of capital-ist and non-capitalist formations as it affects the distribution of the reproduction costs of labour, and the cost-lowering functions of a migrant labour force" (Hugo, 1991-:21; Wood, I982:303). ',

An understanding of the causes of international labour migration must encompass both the determinants of the parameters of behaviour and the factors that motivate individual acLors (Wood,L982:3]-2). E.G.Ravenstein, the acknowledged pioneer of migration study, believed t.hat miqration is a resul-t of an individual decision-making

26

process (Shrestha , L9 gB: 181- ) . Although the
(1982:

framework using

31,2

,3L4)

has

suggested cr concePtual

the household as the unit of analysis:

26

process (Shrestha, I9BB:1Bl-). Although the decision to move or to stay is made by the individual actor him/herself, "migration decisions may be better conceptualised as family phenomena" (Fawcett and Arnold, Lg\la:469). It means that in the decision to move, other members of the household have influenced a person to do it. In fact Hugo (1993c:6) points out, "it is clear that a great deal of migration in LDCs occurs as a result of decisions Laken by families rather than indi-viduals and that migration occurs as a result of family members being allocated to different labour markets."This is reinforced by the new ecqnomics approach, which states that. the decision to migrat.e j-s " not made by isolated individual acLors, but by families or households " (Massey et âl. Members of the family/household "act 1993 :436) . collectively to maximise expected income, to minimise risks and to loosen constraints associated with a variety of market f ail-ures apart f rom those in the labour market " (Massey et â1. , L993:436) . In this situation, according to Massey et al. (1993:436) "some family members can work in the local economy, while others may be senL to work in foreign labour markets. " ,

(!982: 312,3I4) has suggested a conceptual framework useing the household as the unit of analysis:

Wood

27

" . the household is defined as a group that insures its reproduction by generating and maintenance and disposing of a col-l-ective income fund. Household income refers to the recompense derived from the productive ot from other activities of members of the unit, sources such as rents, investments, transfer payments, .when the sum of monetary and subsidies or gifts. sufficient to reach or increase nonmonetary income is the desired quantity and quality of consumption and permanent miqration is investment, seasonal and unlikely to occur". Here, Wood (I982) attempts to int.egrate individual and structural approaches with the study of migration. He explains that households will respond to economic stress in reaching and/or increasing their desired quantity and quality of consumption and investment by for example, "sendinq wives-. and children into the workforce, moonlightinq, or engaging in a short-term migration to take up seasonal or temporary work" (Wood, I9B2:3I4) in another country. Thi-s approach is referred to as househol-d sustenance strategty or the new economics approach. The role of the family as a unit of production in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) is important in the allocation of labour (members of the family) in response to economic stress. Hugo ( 1-993c: 7 ) has pointed out that, "most decisions about population movement of individuals in such contexts therefore are taken by the family or the senior member(s) of the family, usually older males. "

28

Shrestha (19S8: 19I-L92) points out that the main reason why people migrate is because it

"offers a way out of the existing structural trap and new possíbiliLies to ímprove their economic conditions, but is not as hiqhly risky, costly and uncertain as the revol-utionary option. " He explains that there are three main options to improve the condj-t.ions of social- reproduction: (1) to stay and make the best out of the existing rel-ations of production in their local villages (i.e. adaptive choice); (2) to stay and revolt ag¡ainst. the exísting regressive relations and try Lo transform them into proqressive relations (i.e. revolutionary) ;,-or (3) to migrate to a dif f erent economic environment (i.e. migratory choice). Here the decision to

migrate for the domj-nant classes and the subordinate classes is different: " the migration decision of the dominant class mi-grants ref l-ects their strateqic choice (i.e implying several socio-economic options and a wide ranqe of abilities ) , that for the subordinate class migrants represents a survival move" (Shrestha, 1988: 196 ) .

World systems theory sees international labour migration

as "a naturaf consequence of capitalist market formation in the developing world" (Massey et â1., 1993:447). The "desire for higher profits and qreater wealth make the owners and managers of capitalist firms enter poor

29

countries on the periphery of the world economy in search of land, raw materials, labour and new consumer markeLs (Massey et âf., 1993:444-445). According to Massey et al. ( 1993 :445) the of [he markets " infl-uence and control under capi-talist firms in peripheral regions / cause international- movement . " Fawcett and Arnold ( 1987a) proposed a conceptual the f ramework t.o provide a comprehensive view of immigration process. They call this framework a "migration systems paradigm". In this migration system reflect levels of " the linkages , -between places that aggreqation 'above' the individual: the family, the are culture, the polity, the economy, and so on immigration influence individual conditions that decisions" (Fawcett and Arnold, 1981a:456). According to Massey et al. (1993:454) the syst.em "is characterísed by int.ense exchanqes of groods, capital, and relatively people between certain countries and less intense exchanges between others " . Figure 2.I explains the processes in an immigration system where both macro- and micro-structural conditions may influence Lhe individual to move. "Motivation, opportunity for improvement and family indentive are three factors tha[ determine prog-ress through the decision-making stagre whether to

30

work abroad or to stay in the home country" (Fawcett and

Arnold, L987a:469)

.

The social network approach sees international labour migration as "seLs of int.erpersonal ties that connect miqrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship, (Massey, et âl . and shared community origin', ,

1993

:448). "Migrants are inevitably linked to nonmigrants

through a network of reciprocal obligrations onshared understandi-ng, kinship and friendship. Figure 2.L: Procesaea In An fmnigration System

Xar¡¡1, f¡m Origin

DQ¡¡

M¡cro. St¡uctural

È¡tl¡t Ljôr¡|q

- q--¡i

D?¡tin¡!ion M¡co-Strucrur¡l

Conditions (Economy, Poliry, Social Struoure)

ori;

OihÉ. Otpù-¡t glfrñ.-

haia; l.*a rÐrÈt

Cù.rrt Y¡¡

'laC-q

Condirions

t¡.¡¡l

Irr¡fm l¡rlt

¿

tÉt

S.Gl ^.Ñ ¡¡ltÉlr.

ttXt¡t.l trr

D.É¡.r

Chst.

based

(Econom¡ hlity, Soci¡l Strucura)

r¿Jc tfl

La.l

. '',,

rdrat

AF.¡

cb+

láFYll' l;r Ocall.ñlb

ld¡¡¡ bt

Ch¡b lidb, tbl¡.úl' ,_I

OrEr.|ñf Mftdü t frdt, t7¡ñå

Oti¡;.

lñl ,;.r¡t

ûl ldrñ xidb

t*r

(h¡rl.;.

('J¡ ari lði{e

Cdlü, Caì^ 5A
^t

Èrûa'.Fl

Origin M ic¡o-Srruct u ra

¡t¡t

I

Destin¡tion Micro-Structur¡l Conditions (Community, Ethnic Enclevr, Frmily)

Conditions (Communrty, Family)

lnnr.Couarv

O.cition

St¿Br

hæ¡¡t

l-Trrnririon

Source: Fawcett and

¡n¿ F.ñ¡lt

Ltñt¡lra tñlrôlþ^

Ch¡ñælr

Str¡c

Arnold, t9g7a:

A¿¡ ptrr¡oñ

469

31

Non-migrants draw on these obligations to access foreign

" (Massey and Espana, 198'7:136) . According to Iuassey and Espana (1,981) , people in a community f rom which many members have migrated and in which a larqe stock of foreign experience has accumulated should be more likely to migrate abroad than people from a community in which international migration is relatively employment.

uncommon

ore Hugo (1993a) points out, that t.he social network has a central role in sustaining the migration between Indones j-a and Malaysia . . . " Once a 'pioneer miqrant is established at the destination, all the acquaintances of that migrant at the orj-gin acquire a piece of social capital" (Hugro, L993a:56; see also 1993c:10-1-3). It is important that. nonmigrant labours are influenced by this network in the processes of decision making to mì-grate. Boyd (1989 :65'7 ) indicated that "migrat.ion decision making processes are shaped by sex-specific family and friendship sources of approval, disapproval, assistance and information" Theref

'

theory "once In addition, according to institutional international migration has begun, privaLe inst.itutions and voluntary organisations arise to satisfy the demand created by an imbal-ance between the Iarge number of

32

people who seek entry into capital-rich countries and the

1j-mited number of immigrant visas these countries typically offer" (Massey, et â1., 1993). In Indonesia for example, Indonesian Manpower Suppliers, âû orqanisation Indonesian of brokers and middlemen has facilitated labour migration by increasing the international awareness of overseas j obs I organising t.he actual migrration and providing 1oans (Hugo, I993a; Spaan, t994) according to cumulative Moreover migration itself, causation theory, tends to create more miqration (Massey, et â1. , L993:45I) . For example, âs Massey, et al. ( 1993 :451 ) poipjed out, " seeinq some migrant families vastly improve their income through miqration makes families lower in the income distribution feel relatively .

deprj-ved, inducingr some of them to migrate".

2.3 The Impact of International Labour Migratíon The impact of migrat.ion in the long'-run and short-run, or

and indirectly wiIl "vary with the type of populaLion mobility, its scal-e, the length of the period of time over which it has been occurring and the sociocultural- structure and composition of the society affected. " (Hugo , 19 B2a: 189 ) . Simmons (L982: 165 ) has pointed out that t.he macro-level models of migration assume that the impact of migration will vary from one directly

33

to

another

(see also

Stern,

international

labour

migration,

the

context individual,

impact

on

t.he fami-ly, the community and the society

a whole, can affect (Hugo , !982a:

In Lhe as

a large number of economi-c, sociaf,

demographic and political

units

I9B8:30) .

areas relevant to those social

189, L9B5a:64¡

Stern, 1988232; Appleyard,

Simmons

l-989 :481)

, 1982:164-1'65;

.

It has been suggested with respect to the impact of rural-urban migration that "most rural areas gain more than they lose from out-migration. . . their situations would be worse,-r,f such migration did not occur. " (Kols and Lewison, ]-983:260). For migrant workers themselves, Hugo (I981 ) has observed that scholars aqree that most individual migrants gain benefits from miqration, but the impacts upon the areas t.he migrants l-eave, the areas they seLtle in and their nations as a whole are less clear. However, there is plenty of evidence which shows that' remittances2 have had more positive ouLcomes i-n sendingr countries (especially for migrants and their families) than negative ones. Remittances from int.ernational labour migration help "to solve local- problems of unemployment and balance of payments deficits" (Huqo and SinghanetraRenard, L997-:I)

.

2 Remit.tances can be def ined as the portion of a migrant worker's earnings which is sent back from the country of employment to the country of origin (Marius, L987:4) .

34

Appleyard (l-989:488,492) has shown that many countrl-es rn Southern Asia have become dependent upon remittances in

their balance of payments accounts. For example, in Pakistan overseas workers provided employment for an equivalent of almost one-third of the incremental growth in the labour force during the Five Year Pl-an Period I91B-1983 and remittances increased from 1.5 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in L975/16 to 8.4 percent in I9B2/83. In Bangladesh remi-ttances represented 5 percent percent of the country' s j-mports of commodities and services (App!-eyard L9B9:492) . In the Philippines remittances represented 45.5 percent of GDP in 1992 with US $ g billion a year foreign exchange from remittances (Kompas, 28 March 1995). Indonesia in the Fifth Five Year Development Plan (1989-1994) gained US i t.Z billion from remittances (Kompas, L995). AppJ-eyard (f989) argues that the expenditure of migrants / famílies of migrants generates a mul-tiplier effect that leads to an increase in aggregate demand wel-1 in excess of the val-ue of remittance flows. Rusself (1986;693, 1,992:267) has concluded that remittances have come to play a central role in the economj-es of Iabour sending countries (see also Keely, 1-989 : 51-4 ) . Remittances create an important mechanism f or

3-s

the transfer of resources from developed to developing countries (RusselI , 1992:269). MeanwhiJ-e, Massey (1988) has arqued, that international migration has played a role in the process of European economic vital development and has been a major factor facilitating the transformat.ion of European countries from rural- peasant societies to modern industrial powers. international labour migration is advantageous to reduce pressure on the home labour market and to produce remittances (see e.g. Marius , 1-987 ¡ Hugo and Singhanetqq;Renard, I99t:2t-22) . On the conLrary however, Shrestha (1988:198) has concluded that "miqration does not necessarily become a dynamic force in Some consider that

the process of development.....migration seldom serves as an effective channel for improvements in their overall socio-economic posi-tions" As Marius (1987) has observed, besides the positive impact of international labour migration, there are some negat j-ve ef f ects of international labour migration on a number of countries: "It occurred that returninq migrant.s squandered their savings on excessive consumption of luxury articles a heawy dependence on the continuing and the like; inf 1ow of remittances was severely f elt during the recession in t.he Middle East which resulted in slackened demand for labour and downward adjustments in waqes from 1-982 onwards; the reinteqration of returninq workers into their societies often turningt task due to lack of employment out to be a difficult opportunities and possible cultural alienation." (Marius, L9B1:I-2)

36

According to micro-level models of migration (Simmons, 1982:170 ) international labour migration has positive economic consequences for sending households if (a) the

loss of labour from households due to Lemporary overseas work will not reduce household production and incomes and (b) the loss of household capital in the form of support to migrants for travel, job preparation and maintenance will not reduce household production and incomes. The micro (equilibrium) approach implies that. migration is to development (Hugo , 19B'/ :I37 , 199I:2L-2, benef icial L992b:30¡ ZoLberg, L989:424; Shrestha, f9BB:197-B). According also,,to a balanced growth approach (Lewis, l-986 : 3 0 ) " emigration has net positive effects for bhe individual migrants and for the country/region of are no major losses in production . there origin caused by the departure of 'surplus labour' ; there is an and resource improvement in income distribution and more rapid growth due to the availability; application of t.he returning mi-grants' skills and accumulated savings " ( see also Appleyard, t9B2:259 ; Burki,1984:683-4; Borjas, 1-989:458; Kee1y,L989 : 503-5)

.

On the contrary, the asymmetrical growth approach arques

thaL international- labour mígration has "negative consequences for sending countries " (Lewis , 19 B6:30 ) see the migration as having a Structuralists .

"

disadvant.ageous ef f ect on development " (Hugo , L987 :L37 ,

I99I:2L-2, I992b:30 ; Zolberg,1-989 : 424; Shrestha,L9BB:L97 According to the asymmetrical growth argument, B) . benefits accumulate particularly to the labour receivingr countries. Through emigration, productivity and raLes of innovation in the reqion of origin are reduced and inflation remittances lead to and are used of returnees unproductively. Furthermore, the 'skills' are often inappropriate for the area of origin (Appleyard , L982:259 ; Lewis , L9 86 : 3 0; Borj as, L989 :458; Keely, 1989:501-3 ) .

In examininq the social and economic consequences of labour migrration to the Middle East, Abella (1991-:48-9 states that: )

unambiguously positive for al-1 "The impact. . . is not the countries. Their experience sugqests that the gains to be made from migration depend crucially on whether the domestic economy and soci-ety are in a position to absorb the shock of massive labour withdrawal on t.he one hand and massive inflows of For the smaller countries remittances on the other. whose economic bases are narrow, the gains from remittances can be undermined by the loss of labour distortions in t.he labour market. and the resulting For the larger economies with excess supplies of labour, but with a weak economic structure and policies, the loss of labour may have no adverse impact. on the labour market, but the inflows of remittances - may not necessarily stimulate productive investments. They will only be translated into temporary improvements in consumption level-s. Where qains from migrati-on can be maximized are in countries where excess supplies of educated and labour co-exist. with a strong absorptive skilled capacity for capital " .

38

Stahl has point.ed out (1988: l-B-9 ) that there are many hotly debated issues in international labour migration, especially with reqard to the following questions: What effect does emigration have on the labour-market of the sending count.ry? To what extent do the remittances of workers abroad contribute to economic development in the sending country? Do migrant workers acquire new skills abroad that are used upon their return? And what problems of economj-c reinteqration are encountered by returningr workers

?

ore, the..j-rnpact of international labour migration on the sending country depends on many factors. A number of studies have sought to investigate this issue (e.9. Siddi-qui , ]-986 ¡ Gulati , 1986 ¡ Go and Postrado , L986; Korale , L9B6; Roongshivin, 1986, Kim, 1'986; Abbasi and Irf an, 1-986 ) and have generally concluded that international- labour migrration has a more positive impact than neglative. Several- studies have also demonstrated that. returninq international Iabour migration will create problems (e.g. King, 1,986; King, Strachan and Mortimer, 1983; Adi , 1987 a; Heyden , 198'7 ¡ Lohrmann , I9B1) . Return labour migration is seen as a burden and not an opportunity, because return labour migration can create a surplus of workers in the home counLry. However whatever the impact, international labour migration, theoretically Theref

39

at least,

is capable of making a positíve contribution to

a country of origin in several ways (Stahl-,

l-9BB: 19)

.

Assessing the impact of international labour miqration,

especially on the development of the place of origin, is The development of the village for example, difficult. could be influenced by many factors such as the Indonesian Government's village development progrram and/or swadaya masyarakat (efforts of the community itself); the development of the surrounding villages; and rural-urban migratj-on in addition to international labour migration. To s,e,parate the impact of international labour migration on development from other factors is hence a very difficult task. Hugo (L9B2a: 189) has poin[ed out that one can never completely separate the infl-uence of population mobility from the wider social, economic and political changes occurrinq in the society. It is a complicated subject in that not only can one point to a larqe number of economic, social-, demographi-c and political areas which can be affected by migration, but also these impacts will vary with the type of population mobility, its scale, the length of the period of time over which it has been occurring and t.he socio-cul-tural structure and composition of the affected society. Both long-term and short-term effects should be t.aken into account.

40

Knerr (1,992 ) suggested four methods of macro-level analysis which can be used in the assessment of the economic impact of international labour miqration on the sendinq country. These methods are: (1) partial sectoral analysis by regression computations, (2) cost-benefit analysis, (3 ) social accountinq matrices and (4) computable qeneral equilibrium models. These four methods need a comprehensive data base,however in most developing countries ( e.g.Indonesia) there is a lack of or inadequate data available for these methods. 2

4 An Analyticatr Framework for Studying the Impact of International Labour MÍgration

The impact of international labour migration wil-l vary from country to country wiCh the conLext, nature and scale of movement. International labour migration has both positive and negative effects, but theory relating t.o the impact of international- movement is still unsatisfactory (IMR, I9B9:396). The present study seeks to elucidate some of the consequences of Indonesian overseas labour migration by using a framework adapted f rom Hugo (t9B2a; 1985a; ]-981) which, al-thougth developed

originally for considering the impact of rural-urban migration, can be applied to the effects of international l-abour migration. As Stern (1988:30) suggests "the analytical framework can help us understand that both

4t

types of mi-gration Iinternal and international ] are same

l-he

"

The absence of overseas workers from their home place, remittances and their experiences as l-he result of working overseas will alter the demographic and socioeconomic conditions of the migrants themselves, their family, community and nation. In turn, this will influence economic development and social chanqe (Table

1) points out that "population movements have profound effects upon economic and social chanqes in oSjgin and destination areas and among miqrants themselves " . However, it must be realised tl-iat labour migrat.ion is only one of the factors which influence economic development and social change. As points out " socioeconomic Appleyard ( 1989 :486 ) development is a function of many economic, social and demoqraphic variables, only one of which is migration and that the qovernments of many developing countries have the achievement of. utilized migration to facilitate development policies " ( see also Hugo , L9 83 :157 ) . In the case of rural development in Tubuai (French Polynesia), Lockwood (1990) found that: 2

.L) .

Hugto

(l-994b:

"In the case of French Polynesia, return miqrant families are not returningi with savings or capital which can then be productively invested. Most often, financially strapped families make use of government assistance to return home from the city and to start what they hope

4t

42

Table 2.t: À Framework for the Analysis of the Impacts of International Labour Migration on the Sending Country (Adapted from Hugo, L982a

:191, t987:140)

Impact of

Individual

Select ed Aspects

Sex and age

selectivity

D E

Marriage/

M

divorce and fertility

o \t

R

À

.

Family/

household

P H

size and j-tion

I

compos

c .

Population síze

.

Income

s o

level and distribution Employment

c

I

Productivity

o

and production

E

Foreiqn

c o

exchange

N

Social welfare

o

(access to hous ing, schoolinq, services

M

I

c

)

.

Social /

ical participat.ion po1ì-t

Kinship

L

FamiIy/

Household

CommuniLy Nat

ion

43

Skills learned will be a more economically secure life. in urban jobs are Iargrerly inapplicable to agriculture few Moreover, t.here are relatively based rural life. job jobs urban in which in rural communities available skills could be used" (Lockwood, l-990 :368) .

This study, tests some selected demographic and socioeconomic aspect.s of the consequences of international Iabour migration. Table 2.2 outlines some of the possible positive and negative impacts. rt is arqued here that the impact of internat.ional labour migration on Lhe individual, family, community and nation depends on the characteristics of the migrants, type of employment and amount of income, the socio-economic status of the Table

2 .2

z

Ðemographic and Socio-Economic Impact,s of International Labour Migrat,ion Upon the Sending Country (Extracted and, Àdapteó from Hugo, Some.

1985a:t9,34,6L)

IDpact

PoB

DE¡.IOORÀPSIC D{PÀcTs

-sêr anal agê EêIêctlvlty

Enhance sLatus of wonen.Incrêasê level of moderniLy. Reduce pressure on job

opportunities, rncrease aqe ac marriage.Redùce ferti-lifârllågê/dlvo.cê and f6rÈ111tsy liLy due Eo separaEion of spousês and diffusion of ideas ,:onducive co lower ferLility from experiences abroad. [email protected]/hougêhold Reduce family size. creaLer emphasis on nucLear filiÌy. change roles of slzê ånal coEposltlon remainingmembe¡s. -Populaglon eI26 Reducê Þressure on land and employment soclo-EcoNoxIc INPÀC8s Enhance incone levels and encourege -Incon6 lêvêI enil cllct!IbuÈlon investmenc in new Lechnolog_y and oLher income earning activiLies. Improve living sLandard of migrancs and their family.Ihprovè disLribution of income in sholt lern due co reduced Fressure on wagfes Reduce unemplolment due Lo less compe-EEploldênt Lition for jobs. Solve Ìocal problems of unenploymenL. workers may ôbLain skllls abroad. workers may get experiences in new forms of nanaqerial,organisaEion, indusLrial, discipline, and Dew LechnologiÈs embodied in capiLal equipmenL not avaiLable in home counLry. Enhanced enlrepreneurial and innovatory capåcity. ProductiviLy may be enhanced by Lechno-Ploducti,vlty and ploóluctlon logical innovacion. RemittanL-es, skilÌ and experiences may be used for deveIopnent of the oùigin place, -ForêLgn ê¡ehangê Ease balance of FaymenLs defici¿s. -soclal welfare (acc6ss to houslng. EchoolIng, sêrylcês ) -SoclaL/po1lClca1 paEtlclpat Ion -xlnBhLp

Nêgåc1vê

lcLve

Remittånces used fo¡ house coDsLlùct-

ion.

Remittances may lead Lo some improvemenc in servi.:es, In':rease-->enhan':e developmen L.

Elderly are besc provided for in origin region, o! may be bes! lo provide for remaining mÈmbels of OCW household

change roles of women L.''e .!

'/ 'oiq poÞulaLion, In,:reasè ¡ìeF,eele¡r')' r.rrins. separaLion ot sFDusec-- -in. r¡ rsc in. i dence of divorce among nigLtrLr vic,rkers Loss of harmony ot f¡mi17. Reduce social

aDd econofii': ,:.it,r,rity ôt

Loss of economically a,:t i.re ¡.¡,til.it ion

In lonq lerm nay be a srrentheninf ,rf inequality luc t o loss ñt iùr. '/ìt i,rns and la,:k of ,rhsnqe.

lncrease unemplolmen! duÉ t.' .:rJlnJLi.rl of local economy and hi6tr wrr,1e extr,e':ti1tion of returneês. In some .ìr+.is l¡bour shortages develop. "Iikill",:i r¿!urneês is ofLen inappropriaLe ¡..L t¡,É .,rigin area, " BxperieD,:È' of ¡èturnees i; nften unused in the home countly t'+, iusè f,he new torms o( manager'iaì .rLJ.1ni:rt iôn and oLhers are noE availabl¿ the¡¿. Problem of reinlegÈaLion ,rf L+turnees Productivicy and rates ôf inüo'/ariôn are reduced. Redu,:e .i,l!i, ulLural

producLion.

Renittances lead to infl¡t i r¡r rn'ì iÈê used unproducLively. t,eFellen,:). .f :jenLì r¡nl ì r+s. ing counLries on recei'rin1 Urban bias in providing servi, Ès,ln,rreon ased denand fr¡rmal anLì inf-r¡iil, uclfarê servi,tes. Human ext,li,it.iii¡,n ¡n,l bad behaviou¡s among o('w/frmiÌy member. Decrease--.inpede devPlnr,men( . Change in aLtiLude cowar(i ô1'ler ùenÈr3-

tion. wealiêning of uidèr I.insjhiL Link. sepãration of spouses.

4

miqrants' household and the context of the place of orì-gin. Theref ore, the present study attempts to test the following hypothesis:

The use of remittances, integration t-n economt-c activities upon return, Tevel of social- and politicalparticipation, and socio-economic status of the migrant's family are significantJy different between mal-e and femafe migrants, among migrants with different LeveLs of education, different types of employment, different Lerze-Zs of income, dif f erent nunbers of f amily members, and different Ç,onditions at the place of origin. 2.4.L Impact Upon the Individual Migrant, At. an individual 1eve1, international labour miqration can have some positive impacts on migrant workers. They are able (although it does not always happen) to find work in the country of employment and are able to fulfil their basic needs, both f or t.hemselves and f or their families who are usually left behind in their place of orig j-n . Their standard of living improves ( Swamy, 1985:36) , but this does not always happen either. Another advantagre is t.hat if they are able to save and invest. their money while working abroad, they are able Lo use those savinqs/investment for productive activities upon

45

their return. f n Thailand f or example, Roonqshj-vin (1986:t45) found that. housing improvements in rural areas are often influenced by international miqration, where "having a beautiful house is an important status symbol for the owner" Financially, Filipino workers in the Middl-e East were better off than their counterparts who remained working in the Philippines (Smart, Teodosio and .limenez , !986:t2I) .

A study of Fì-1j-pino migrant workers (Go and Postrado, 1986:130) has shown that the married male migrant worker enhanced his i¡qage as a good father in the eyes of his chil-dren. For the singrle migrant a1so, his status within the family also rose in the eyes of his parents and siblings and he has taken on a more active role in decision making regardinq family matters and in providing f inancial support . Go and Post,rado (1986 : l-3 0 ) f ound that migrants were more popular and thej-r friends reqarded them more highly. These changes in attitudes they called the psycho-social effects on the status of migrant. workers both in the household and in the community, which are enhanced by the migration. The case of a 25-year-old Mexican migrant worker who had just returned from the United States after spending four years there, also i1l-ust.rates the changes in t.he attit.udes of overseas workers themselves as a result of migration and points to

46

the potential of diffusion

of migrants to become innovators and points for new att.itudes among his/her

siblings

at

least, and quite possibly their frj-ends as well: "Tomas Ballato, however, came home from the United States with attitudes far different from those of most people in his birthplace in rural Hidalgo. He has no intention of marrying soon. When he does, he would like his wife to work outside the home and to delay having children for some time. Finally, Tomas will have no compunction about using male contraceptives, nor will he have problems findings them in Lazaro Cardenas, where they are readily available in pharmacies. " (Werner , 19 91: 51 )

However, the cost of migratj-on and the exploitation

of

workers (by employers, aqents for overseas employment, middlemen, etc.) are problems often faced by overseas miqrants (Tobing, et al.,

1990; Krisnawaty and Muchtar,

1992; Spaan, L994) . These costs and exploítation neqative consequences of international

are

labour migration.

In Indonesia, candidates for overseas contract work have to pay Ehe cost of arranqing documents and other related matters before they depart to obtain overseas employment. Besides facilitating and middlemen often excessive profits

overseas worker migration,

agents

for

making

use this

situation

from overseas worker candidates. To add

to this there are other problems highlighted in Southeast Asia- ---domestic violence,

in the media

sexual abuse of

overseas workers, extremely long working hours, unpaid workers, workers being stranded after the end of their contract and low wages (Rural Development Foundation,

47

L992:4). In Thailand sínce L982, the 'qolden era' for Thai overseas workers has changed, resulting in disbenefits for them and in some cases the overall net. impact of overseas employment was negative. SinghanetraRenard (L99I:26) found that [his was caused by the exploitatj-on of contract workers by bheir employers, recruiters/brokers and even by their fellow villagers. their return, some overseas mig'rant workers face the problem of not finding work in their homeland, although they may have money or 'new skil-Is' . Well paid work abroad has ingreased their wage expectatíons, but unfortunately the existing wage Ievels in the place of origin are generally below their expectations (Shah and Arnold, L9g5:48; Adi, Lg9la:l-0). In Pakistan unemployment among return miqrants was not due to higher wage expectations but due to a scarcity of jobs (Farooq-iAzam, I98l). In Indonesia, Adi (1987a) found thaL Upon

unemployment rates among Indonesian returned overseas contract workers was quite high (23 percent ) ; in Thailand

the unemployment rate reached 24 percent and in the Philippines 46 percent (ESCAP, 1-986b) ; in Pakistan 20 percent and Sri Lanka 16 percent (Farooq-i-Azam, f987). Returnees perhaps seek different their

place of origin

forms of employment rn

than they

had before migration

48

because the waqes/salaries in the home country are low.

There is substantial evidence in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and

other countries that the workers do not continue in their principal overseas occupation when they return (Arnold and Shah, L986:B). The majority of migrants who returned from the Middle East to Tambon Don Han (Northeastern Thailand) rarely used the skills they had acquired in the Míddle East (Riqq, L989:51). In Jordan, job changes amongr returnees did not seem to be a step down in mosL cases but movement onto a new path or retirement (Keely and Saket, 1984:693). Arnol-d and Shah (1986 : I ) have reported that. the migrants

"d.e-skilling"3 because of t.he lack of opportunity to use their skills acquired in the Middle East. There is evidence of job mismatches among women mì-grant workers from the Philippines, where often those with a college degree worked as domestic servants in the Middle East ( Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez , t9 B6 : 110 ) . In Sri Lanka 25 percent of skilled workers had to accept unskilled work abroad, while in Pakistan 43 percent of 301 return migrants who had received occupational training before departure could not get employment abroad in Ehe same occupation (Farooq- j--Azam, 1987 ) . In an may even experience

3 A process whereby overseas workers,

because of their willingness to take lower skilled work for higher monetary return, actually diminish or lose previously held skills.

49

Indonesian study most overseas contract workers going to the Middle East had worked in

Indonesia before they

worked in the Middle East but only 50 percent of male and

22.6 percent of female workers had the same occupations as in Indonesia (Adi, 1987b: 49-50). The lack of opportunity to use their skills

abroad is not always of importance. For example in

the context of the village, "

previously acquired

few migrants are skilled

Rigg (1988:80) found that and so deskillinq

is not

concern." Moreover, Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez

a

(1-986)

reported that Mjddle Eastern employment does not expose Filipino

workers to

new technologies

production which might enable them to fill

and modes of key positions

or new developmental roles upon their return. According to RiSS (1988) the experience of working in a modern industrial

environment may be useful,

both

for

t,he

migrant and his /her country.

Another problem relates to readjustment upon return. Migrant workers have to readjust to their homeland. Hugo (1985a:26) points out that, "the nature and degree of adjustments depend upon which family members move, the length of -t.heir absence and the nature of the sociocultural system at the place of origin, especially the family structure and the degree of flexibility within

50

that structure" (see also Gmelch, I9B0:150-3; Riqq, 1988: 79-80). The ideas, attitudes and behaviours which they accumulated while working abroad have possibty made them different from what they were before they migrat.ed. These changes are sometimes not appropriate in their home community and leads to them being unhappy. Their new consumer attiLudes for example, flây be a cause of frustration and may even make them reluctant to return to their place of origin (Shah and Arnold, 1985). 2.4.2 Impact

UI¡on The Family/Househotd

amilies of migrants at the place of origin must adjust to the temporary absence of family members and the influence of money, qoods, ideas, attitudes, behaviour and innovations transmitted back to them by the movers. It is possible that the changes in family income and effects of separat.ion of the OCW and his/her family will cause problems among household members. In Pakistan for example, drug- abuse amonq the children of migrant households is reported Lo be ì-ncreasingr (Abbasi and rrf an, 198 6:t91,) Hugo (I9Bl :1-41) arques that

f

.

The most significant

cause of workers migrating overseas

is Lo obtain income sent back to their

A part of their i-ncome is usually fami I i es in their homeland These

-51

remittances obviously increase the level of income of the

migrant.s' households . In the Philippines, the averag'e income earned by families with overseas contract workers is about 2.2 times larger than that of famílies wiLhout an overseas contract worker (Go and Postrado L9B6:I32). Economically, labour migration usually benef its t.he family/household. A new house (or improvements to the old purchase of land, higrher consumption and house ) , education for their children are some of the aspects of well-being that are usually enjoyed by the members of the f amily/househol.Ç . of migrant workers . For example, t.he study by Go and Postrado (1986:L32) shows that the living standards of Filipino families with overseas contract workers are better than families without overseas contract workers. Table 2 "3 shows that the proportion of households with consumer goods is higher for oCW households when compared with non-OCW households in the Philippines study. Remittances generally j-ncrease the income of OCW households, but the benefits of remittances, accordinq to some commentators such as Keely (1989 502) and Russell (1986:618), are reduced because these remittances are spent in socially unproductive ways (Swamy , 19 85:38) Nevertheless, the increasing income of OCW households will increase demand and employment opportunitíes in .

52

Table 2.32 Proportíon of Households Wíth Consumer Goods (wíth and wíthout Overseas Contract Labour), 1983

Household Consumer Good

Proportion of all Households

with overseas contract labour (e")

Radio

Television Bicycle

Motorcycle Car or Truck Cassette recorder Living room set Wall clock

Refrigerator

Sewing machine

Video

/3

73

B2

5l_

2t

1B 1 0

1 5 IJ IJ

4L q? JJ

AA

31 37

60 35

games

Source: Go and Postrado ,

without overseas contract labour ( %)

2

4

19

86:133

.

their society through mul_tiplj-er effects and this has a positive effect for non-míqrant households. For example, at the communiLy level the renovation or construction of houses creates employment. As Abella (I99I:43) has pointed out, the investment in the consLruction of housing usually has strong links with other industries. Adi (1987b) for example, found [hat an Tndonesian return migrant worker who had collected earnings during his twoyear term in Saudi Arabia used his savinqs to renovate his house, run a retail shoe shop and purchase land and a car. In renovating his house he hired local workers (creating employment) and bought materials (increasing the demand/supply for housing material).

53

International labour migration may affect the role and status of women, both those left behind and women who qo overseas as contract workers. Separation of spouses "not only results in chanqes in famíly structure but may also lead to modifications in the roles of family members" (Hugo, L99L:26), especially that of the wife. For some female migrant workers, their position in the household is enhanced by becoming the pri-ncipal breadwinner. When the migrrant worker is the husband, however, the wife who is left behind in the homefand has to assume the responsibil-ities previously taken care of by her husband (Abella , I99I:A,5-) . In the homeland the f emale must become the household head and it also allows greater independence for women (Lim, l-990; Hugo , I99]-]l .

In Kerala (India), wives remaining in the homeland have used banks to manage the farm and opened businesses (Gulati, 1986 :207 ) . Temporary Filipino overseas migrration seems to have increased married women's participation in non-aqricultural actj-vities at. the househol-d level duri-ng the husband's absence (Go and Postrado , L9B6:140 ) Moreover, the expanded roles of women can be seen amongt the wives of Filipino workers. Besi-des being the temporary tlôusehold head, they act as decision makers and sole parents, having to handle t.he f amily problems and dif f iculties (Go and Postrado, ]-986:1,21) . Studies in some .

54

areas in Indonesia (Hugo 1985a:2'7-B ) have indicated a significant increase in the 'female headship' of families where temporary forms of migration have occurred. However, close ties among families, relatives and members of the community in many cases provide support for wives who have husbands abroad:

problems arise that bhey feel t.hey difficult wives now perceive themselves as alone, cannot handle more often than they used relatives running to their study shows that within communi-ty to. . . Moreover, t.he have lived for residents where these stable communities character:-zed years relationships are and more than 20 system family the relations, by close interpersonal level community to the over seems to be carried as serving 'surrogate leaders sometimes with the local to t*he f amilies lef t behind by the contract f athers' workers. " (Go and Postrado , L9 86:1-28 "When

)

From his study on the impact of international

labour

migration on families in Kerala, Gulati ( L9B6:202) sugqests that because of the need for family support to meet the initiat cost of migration and the dependence on the family to provide the necessary support and protection for the wj-fe, children and other dependents of the migrant who is absent, kinship networks have become stronger and have been reinforced. Working overseas may have negative consequences for marital relaLions and can lead to a loss of harmony in the family. This is one of the unhappy and disillusioning characteristics which is faced by some migrants and Eheir

-5.5

fami-ly members, although they may be economically better

off than their neiqhbours. Studies in the Philippines (Go and Postrado , 1-986) , Thailand (Roongshivin , ]-9B6 ) Pakistan (Abbasi and Irf an , 1-986) , India (Gulati, 1986 ) Sri Lanka (Kora1e, 1986) and Bangladesh (Siddiquj-, 1986) have shown this to be the case. ,

,

2.4.3 Impact

Upon The Community

The purpose of moving abroad is usually to obtain work or

to earn a higher wage (Adepoju, 1988:37; Hugto , L9 90:20 ) As a result of workì-ng overseas, money, groods, ideas, attitudes and sÏitls wil-l probably flow back to the place of origin of the migrant. workers The impact of this movement on workers and their f amil-i-es has been shown above, but what happens t.o their communì-ty at the place of origin? Do remittances and experiences from working abroad (ski1l-s, ideas, etc.) compensate for the loss of workers t.o their community? .

The flow of remittances from international labour migrration are generally in one direction only: to the place of origin. Lipton (1980 ) has argued that remittances do not improve income distribution. This is because ( 1 ) " total net remittances are very small compared with rural income in the great majority of (2) and villages " remittances go "positive

56

disproport.ionately

to the better-of f " (Lipton,

1980:11).

Rubenstein (L992: l-31) also found that "rather than being

a catalyst for development, remittances, and the entire system of migration of which t.hey are a part, seem to be adding to the economic deterioration of ruraf Mexrco In contrast Hugo (1-983:33) pointed out that "the evidence regarding the influence of population movement, especially temporary movement, oû remittances and rural productivity is that such movement. is producing a net gain in t.he areas of origin. " Tn the Tndonesian context it may be argup,-fl that t.he remittances enhance the level of income and improve income distribution in the place of origin. However, there is still debate about this issue (Russell , 1-986, L992) . On one side it is argued that remittances only exacerbate inequalities of income distribution in the place of origin, while on the other side it is arqued that remittances have beneficial income distri-bution effects. Thus the nature of evidence from different areas is contradict.ory; no one pattern occurs everywhere.

In Thailand (Roongshivin, L986:161-) it was found that remi-ttances have played a vital role in the rural economic and social development through multiplier effects. There has been an impact on the well-being of

-s7

their own households receiving remittances for consumption, investment, debt repayment and savinq. Hence, because the main groal of community development itself is t.o improve the welfare of community members, if many households in the community gain benefits from overseas workers, it may be possible to conclude that the impact of internatj-onal labour on the community where the migrant workers come from will be a net positive one. Temporary separaLion between husband and wife may lead to

levels in the community of a decrease in fertility will decrease origin. One nley argue that fertility because of the absence of either a mother or father for a significant time period (e.9. two years). Moreover, working abroad generally will increase the age at marriage of singrle overseas workers, which will in turn, j-n a given community. Gulati (1986:2I]-) affect fertility found Ehat in Kerala (there has been a large exodus from this state to other parts of India and to Lhe Middle East ) there was already a signi-ficant decline in the population grrowth rate from 26.29 percent during L96I1-910 to 19 percent. during 1911,-1980 . But as he has stated, iL is dj-fficult to say what part of thj-s decline is attributáble Lo the migration of workers to the Middle Easta. Go and Postrado (1986) however, found that the 4 "rn the other regions, the decline in fertility was preceded by a higher Ievel of socio-economic

.58

international contract labour effects of Filipino migration on fertílity appeared to be small. In suilìmary, there is still little specific knowledge regrarding the influence of mobility-associated seperation of husband and wif e upon f ertilit.y levels (Hugo , L9 B5a:32 ) .

Illegal recruitment, young school dropouts and drug abuse are sometimes recoqnised aS social problems in the community as a result of international labour movement. A study by Go and Postrado ( 1986:143 ) found that such social problems " should probably not be attributed to the phenomenon of . -international contract labour" (Go and Postrado, L986:L43)

.

Go and Postrado (1986:141--3) found that the labour force

left in the overseas worker household tends to have more f emales, more elderJ-y males and more very younq men. Overall the economic affects and the social /pol-itical participation at the community level was unclear in that study. However they concluded that the movement of Filipino overseas workers has benefited their respective communities, aS they became more proqressive and there urbanízaL¡-on and greater investment in farnily planning. As far as Kerala is concerned, most of these factors are at a very low level- except for a hígher level of education and low mortality. How Kerala managed to bring down her gliven such a poor state of economic fertility, development, is puzzLlng" (Mahadevan and Sumangala,

development, industrialization,

L9B7:161)

.

59

was a rr-se r-n the living standard among many residents.

Moreover, " . . . there is a general perception t.hat many residents in the community have bequn acquiring vocational skills to enable them to work abroad" (Go and Postrado, L986 : 1-4I-3 ) .

2.4.4 Impact Upon the Nation Foreign employment, as has been mentioned previously,

is

viewed by the major labour sending countries as a safety valve which can reduce widespread domestic unemployment and underemployment and provide a partial excessive balaäbe of payments deficits policy

in

and Jiminez , .

to

for g.overnment

e.g in Indonesia in the Philippines (Smart., Teodosio

sending overseas workers,

(Pusat AKAN, n.d); L986 : 145 )

(

solution

Raj

19

86: l-06 )

and in

(Roongshivin,

Thailand

-Hashim (L992: 119 ) points out

:

"For t.he sending countries, migration policies reflect

measures to relieve unemployment and underemployment, augiment foreign exchange through remittances, increase national per capita income and a consequent expansion in

rates of savinqs and investment . In some cases, workers acquire new skills, which may be util ízed upon their return for the deveJ-opment of their home countries "

According to Massey (1988) international migration had a role in the process of European economic development. To show the extent of remittances in some of the labour

sending countries and the dependency of economies on remittances (see Keely and Saket, L984; Burki, 1984;

60

, 1989 ¡ Hugto , 1-990; Russell , L986, 1992; Rubenstein, L992), Table 2.4 i-ndicates the ratio of remittances to merchandise exports of some selected Asian countries. Keely

The contribution of remittances to the value of foreign exchanqe in Bangladesh and Pakistan j-s very significant.

The GDP growth rate of Bangladesh is estimated to have slowed down by 4 percent because some 65,000 Bangladeshi

workers have returned, due to the Gul-f Crisis of 1990 (Abella, L99L:4'7) . Burki (1984:613) pointed out, "if Pakistan had not benefited from the boom in the Middle East by being .abte to export hundreds of thousands of workers, its economic perf ormance woul-d have been

seriously impaired. " Another way that remittances have helped increase foreign exchange earninqs according to Burki (1984 673-4), is by creatinq new markets for the export of goods and commodities that would not have been sold abroad but for the presence of large expatriate communities in the importing countries. For Pakistan, the share of the Middte East in total exports increased from two percent in 1960 to eight percenL in 1'982. To reduce widespread domestic unemployment and underemployment and provide a partial solution to excessive balance of payments deficits, the Indonesian Government has attempted to increase the number of Indonesian overseas contract workers since the Third Five Year

ól

Development Pl-an (t919 -1984 ) . In the Sixth

Five Year

Development Plan (L994/95-t998/ 99) the number and qualit.y

of workers sent abroad will be increased.

Table 2.4: Value of Total Merchandise Exports and Recorded Net Remittances for Selected Asian Countríes, 1988-1991

t:

a

c

a

b

lqqÌ

r990

1989

1988

a

C

ì

1 a\7

60

r305

7I

59

16'7 4

1õ\

{5

L7r8

018

46

1902

4L

5

590

I':4'7

35

.ç18

r 412

'J 5'1

24

4642 1554

3JB

22

_I4600

285rj

20

2650

L7

Nepal

lB6

3B

20

r5523 r56

i Ie41

20

I n,]i a

r984 r1967

L2

'7',t 4'7

f60

5

20059

0 5

21,'7'73

tsan'l I

T23I

a,ì..ih

Pal: i

;t irì

4362

3ri.

Lanka

Fhillppines

t96i't ' '

Ìn'lon"iia

Note:

'7014

r5806

Thai lan,l

2

93't 99

'7

4ti

8ri31

5

;

6

25553

L'l

t4

ll9 l¡,i

3

l5r

0.3 0.6

).3i)(.t 2

r25

2e

t;-l Jilr'

11

r62

rl

¿5

r1\4 llrS,97

.'':: .L

i¡r

0.5

a Total Merchandise exports (MS) b Net Workers Ratio of Remittance (MS) c Remittance to Merchandise Exports (å)

Source:

World Bank,]-990 2204-5,21'2-3 ì 199t:230-l-,238-9 1992:244-5, 252-3 ; 1993 :264-5, 272-3.

;

Alt.hough international labour migration has benefits for

t.he sending countries it may also have an unf avorable impact. Russell (1986:678-9) has catalogued the benefits and costs of remittances from international labour miqration and concl-uded that remittances play a central role in the -economics of sending countries. The negraLive and positive views of remittances have been summarised by Keely (1989 : 500 ) as f o1l-ows:

6l

62

to l-. "Remittances increase dependency, contribute development. political instability and and economic distortion, and lead to economic declj-ne that overshadows a temporary advantaqe for a fortunate few. "

2. "Remittances as an effective response to market providj-ng a transition to an otherwise forces, unsustainable development. They improve income distribution and qualj-ty of life beyond what other available development approaches could deliver. " 2.5 Conclusion In this study the term 'international- labour migration' refers to the temporary movement of labour from a country of origin to a country of destination for work. International labour migration is a complex phenomenon. It is not j ust due to the imbal-ance in the spat ial dj-stribution of factors of production. The government policies in both receiving and sending countries and the distances and differential socio-cultural factors have to be taken into account.However a theory of such movement of has not yet been formulated. The difficulties developing an adequate conceptual framework for the study of popul-ation movement according to Wood (L982:298-9) ,

are because: commonly single out the lack of cumulative " critics empirical results, Lhe prevalence of ad hoc explanations, character of many of the principal the trivial generalization gleaned from the literature, the excessive reliance on reductionistic perspectives that preclude the analysis of macrostructural change, the paucity of direct policy relevance, and the inability to link the insights derived from survey research with the broader

63

socioeconomic and political developing societies. "

transformations

underway in

The empirical findings of the impact of int.ernational labour migration on t.he sending country show t.hat they depend on many factors. Moreover, it can be difficult determining whet.her this impact comes from international l-abour migration alone, or from various other factors such as development programs, rural-urban migration, deveJ-opment efforts from other communities, etc. To separate the impact of international labour mi-gration from these other factors is a "crucial point" (Saefullah, L992:59). This.study endeavours to overcome this problem by using the following two strategies: First, to determj-ne what aspects are possibly affected by international l-abour migration. A framework of the impact of rural-urban migration developed by Hugo (I9B2b, I9B1) has been very useful in determining some aspects (demographic and socio-economic) that are affected by such movement.

Second, to compare those aspects (demographic and socao-

and non-OCWs, OCW households and non-OCW households, and communities with different levels of OCWs. At the national- level, the impact can be seen as the total effect of international labour migration on economic) between

OCWs

(A

their families, and their communities. Here, rt rs necessary to analyse the government policies relating to the sendingr of overseas contract workers and how far the real i sat ion of these policies has been achieved.

OCWs,

Chapter Three

METHODOLOGY 3.1 Int,roduction Primary data collection

is

necessary to

understanding of international-

achieve

an

labour migration and its

impact in Indonesia as is the case el-sewhere in South East Asia. The lack of secondary data is because: "Migration difficulti'es when

encountered in

migration

international Migrant

1993:39)

often

find

crossing I9B7:v)

of

;

empJ-oyment through

with some reason other than work but

end up workinq at the destination

(Hugo,

;

Similarly, workers

the

channels, or migrants who leave the

l-egaJ-J-y

in fact

involves

measuring, especially

bounders" (Zlotnik,

workers

"unofficial" nation

may occur repeatedly which makes the

not alI

of the remittances that

send home go through

official_

the

banking

channel-s;

"As is the case ín virtuaJ-1y every country in the region, two decades ago the amount of international

6l

movement was very usually elite

groups"

and involved

small (Hugo

, I994b:2)

limited,

;

Population Censuses in Indonesia for exampJ-e, do not information on internationat

collect

The lj-mitatíon

of such data has been indicated by Burki

(19842669\, ESCAP (1985:B), (1985:3),

ESCAP

(198'7

22,

Rusself particular migration,

Levine,

Secretariat

Fawcett and Arnold

(1987:1498) ,

migration.

Hill

and Warren

(I9B6a:.2), (1987b,: 1523) ,

Massey

Kazí

(1991 :I16) , , Keel-y (1989:506) , Martin (1993:103) . With (1992+,268) and Athukorala

58)

reference to temporary international

labour

Hugo (1993a:39) pointed out:

"fn studies of temporary international labour migration throughout Asia, official statistics are usually very Iimited, scattered and incomplete and can rareJ-y be relied upon to indicate the number of peopJ-e who have characteristi-cs, origin, a-lone their moved, let destínation, etc. " To comprehensively study the impact of overseas contract worker migration involves study at a number of level-s and

space and time contexts. This complexity sugqests that the most appropriate way to investigate the impact of international contract workers is to use a research design of a tongit.udinal nature. Such designs accordinq to Go, Postrado and Ramos-Jimenez (I 983: B ) ,

different

68

all-ow the investigators international

contract

to gather data from a group of workers before they mi-grate, to

foll-ow them and interview

them at various

subsequent

stages and then to assess what changes have occurred in that group after a reasonable period of time has

eJ-apsed.

Hugo (I9B2a:2I0) has al-so pointed out that a longitudinal

research

design

identification,

is

preferabfe

"a

measurement and evaluation

of migration".

for

strategy

of the impact

This design al-lows comparison of the

migrants

before

migration

has occurred. Such ideal

and after

the

international

same

l-abour

designs however are

rarely possible.because of the substantial- costs j-nvol-ved and the large time periods which are required for the respondents to be fol-Iowed. The present study coul-d not afford the J-uxury of adopting

a Iongitudinal-

approach because of the substantial- time

and money constraints

within

which it

had to work.

approach adopted here was to only col-lect about migrants at the place of origin Kabupaten Cianjur, follow

migrants

movement, not constraints, difficulty

but

West Java) . It through also

information

(Desa Sukasari, in

vras not possibl-e to

each stage

oni-y because of

The

of

t ime

because there

is

process and

of

resource

considerable

in obtaining permission to undertake this type

69

the major destination

of research in Saudi Arabia

of

the migrants involved. The major data colfection

strategy

employed here rs

a

sample survey. This is "an effective method for studies migration surveys provide richer and more of mobitity data than are availabl-e from other

detailed

(Fawcett and Arnold,

sources"

1987b:1523) . However, according to

Massey (1987:1504) such methods Ìose historical richness of context,

appeaJ- of real

and the intuitive

Massey (1987) suggests ethnosurvey

Therefore,

Iife.

depth,

methods which, . involve

of

the simultaneous application

ethnoqraphic and survey methods within a single study. WhiIe it

was not possible

col-Ìect

information

workers (OCWs) at their

overseas contract

study attempted to

this

to

destinatj-on,

concentrate on the migration

process through interviewing

returned overseas contract

workers, the heads of households which have absent, and the heads of households without living OCII{

OCWs are

still

OCWs but

of that

between migrants

study data from the households

used to

working overseas on the effects

OCWs

in communities where there has been significant

outmovement. In this

without

on

OCW

investiqate

the

impact of

households and the multiplier

movement. The analysis

and non-migrants

is

of differences desirabl-e

in

70

understanding

the

of

impact

instead

migration,

of

comparinq the conditions before and after migration (Hugo, 1982a:2I0; Fawcett and Arnold, 1981:I526) . Demographic and socio-economic characteristics

OCWs,

households, and the non-OCVJ households, such

their

status was co-l-l-ected by interviewinq household and by questions relating

using

survey

the head of each

questionnaires.

The

to the reason for working overseas,

the process of migration,

the experience in the country

employment-. and integration

and participation

were asked of returned OCWs only.

return

as

employment, economic and marital

sex, â9ê, education,

of

of

upon

In order to

obtain data of the condition of the househol-d before

and

after having an OCW, the questionnaires were designed to trace such information through retrospective questions. Direct

observation

carried

and in-depth

interviews

qualitative

data col-Iection

researcher

in

gaining

impact of internationaÌ with

al-so

out in order to col-lect data which cannot

obtained using survey questionnaires.

origin

were

via

direct

This approach of

(Corner, û.d) , assisted the

a deeper understanding of

the

labour mígration on the place of

observatj-on and in-depth

community leaders,

be

Fêligious

interviews

l-eaders, villaqers,

lt

selected returnees and heads of househol-ds with the stilI

3

OCW

abroad.

2 Secondary Data on International Labour Migration in fndonesia

fndonesian internationaloverseas contract

popuJ-ation mobility,

labour

has not

especially

been studied

very

intensiveJ-y. A few studies have been based on surveys to

some extent

Pusat Penelitian

officially

coll-ected data

Kependudukan Universitas

and

(Adi,

I9B6;

Gadjah

Mada,

, I992, I994,' Supangat, I992a; Hugo, I993a) . Hugo (1993a:39; 1993e:28-42) points out 198

6,'

Mar j-u

s,

- 798'7 ;

Spaan

that there is no satisfactory

data set relating

to the

volume, patterns or characteristics

of migrants, or other

rel-evant information

international

relatinq

to

labour

migration in Indonesia"

Since population censuses in Indonesia only collect information on permanent internal migration (Hugo, I9B2c) between provinces, according_ to Hugo (1993a: 39-4I; 1993e : 2B-42 ) three poss j-bl-e sources of data about Indonesian overseas contract labourr: Directorate of Immigration in the Department of Just i

ce ;

t this section especially is derived from Hugo (1993e).

12

(the Of f ice Department of Manpower);

Pusat

AKAN

f

or

Overseas

Empl-oyment,

Private sector, Indonesian Labour Supplier Agencies ( Perusahaan Pengrerah Tenagra Kerja Indones ía)

3.2.1 The Directorate of Immigration According to

Hugro

(1993e) the Directorate of Immigration

in the Department of Justice collects departure and arrival cards from al- I people arriving in or departing from Indonesia (Fiqures 3.1

and

? ?\

Figure 3.1 Indonesia: Departure Card Flighl Numô.r

RIR

N.mc of shlp f uil

î¡mc

E

(wrítc surn¡mc firsl, use block lcttcrs)

Oatc

Pa¡g9orl , Travel óocumcnl

ol c¡Írrtm

D

PlrcC ol rssue

Frmala

FOF OFFICE USE

fat

NumbGr :

M¡le

!

PCF

t2 :

Èt?

Occup¡tloñ / prolcsr¡on

t{a1¡on¡líty

orx

tv

LP

3.56r

Counlry of Rcs¡ócnce €P.OEP. EPO/ERP/MERP

NO

Oate

ooKrM

No

Date

¡

IMPORTANT NOTICE

1. this D¡semÒerkalion / Emberk.iion cerd must be compteted Þy cvery pa.ssengerincluding one foreach accompanying chrld 2. Prease do not removø this portion ofthe card ltoñ you( passport/ lravel document 3. You are requrred to surreôder this porlion ofthe carO tO t¡re lmmígratíon officer

(at (òt

t the

(c)

the time

Source: Huçto, 1993e

departure.

nre

!

t3

Figure 3.2 Indonesia: Arriwal Card F:ighl Numb€r N¡mG of Shrp

D

R

Full ñamc (wlíle ¡utnamc {¡rsl. use Þlock lellcrs)

I 2

M¡lr Fcmal?

FOF OFFICE USE

o¡tc ol birth

Placa ¡nd countrY ol birtn

C O

Occug¡tioô, Prof"3s;oñ

O¡rc o{ e¡f¡¡ñt¡tn

Pa¡rporì, flevel documonl

TfL

Placa

Pf.

n

12

Nulltoat: Placc ol rssu€:

DIP

Oli

3

¡nd countrt of lcs¡dcncc

E

tu

n¡l

6

5

L¡st 9l¡cc , Porl of Emb¡rlalion Pl¿as? aôswcr A or

o

I

(pl€¿se

oer¡ lvl only one

1e þ¿ çempleted by visitors o¡ ¡ntendtng rcsiocnts Purposc of r;3;t

5! D Bu¡i^ess 6! z! ol¡;.;.''^.r;on 3O convenl,o¡ lO ¡ l. xo¡id¡y r visìt,'ng {ticnds I

R€l¿l;ves

Þo¡l: returning @ ro o" comgreted bylnóonesieñ rcs¡dents linctuded

I

r,¡^sir

x¡tion¡lst I h¿vc bccn ¡bsentfrom lodones¡¡ lor :

Eorcario^

Y!¡r3 monlhs o¡ts

orn...

Counlry in wñich I spant

mostt;mc shib ¡bro¡d

/ Pl€¡5ulc

f¡rst tlrp to

¡ccomod¡tion

,!"ot, zO uot.r 3

ñ

Rest

6D 7D

house I D

! ro O

¡ l--l GresÌ house 9

r

D

Vour¡ hostcl

tntcnd.d lengih of stay

Res,dence of friends rel¡lrY€5 Ag¡n mêñl

&

t

ndonc sia

?

Îr¿E{ling on 9fou9

tout'l

8¿ntcd housG

!

C¡mp

!no

v.,

rEves ¿Dxo

Othcrs

t^lcñded ¿ddress ìn l¡donesi¿

d¿rs

H¡v. you been in ¡fric¿ orSor¡th America during thé l¡sl Oatc oî ¡rriv¡l

6 d¿ys?

rD vo

z

f--l ro

(Sìgnature ol P¿ssÊn9êrl

Source: Hugo, 1993e

74

From the departure card, the only information that can be

obtained

relates

occupation/profession person departing.

to

and country of

The information

relates to sex, nationality,

nationaÌity,

sex,

residence of the

on the arri_vaL card

occupatl_onlprofession, place

and country of residence, place and country of birth, date of birth,

J-ength of absence from Indonesia, country

in which he/she spent most time whil_e abroad, purpose of visit and intended length of stay ( for visitors and int.ending residents)

Since the purpose of the visit

is

not coll-ected on the departure card this source is not useful- for .Ëhe anaÌysis of j_nternatj_onal labour emigration.

According

departures and arrival-s

to

Hugo

(1

993e : 32 )

informatj-on for

only

the

foreigners

computerised and that for fndonesian citizens

is

is not yet

held in machine readable form. Moreover, there is very littl-e

analysis of the data col-lected and rarely pubj-ished (Hugo, I993e:38) .

is it

Therefore Hugo (1993e:38) points out the usefulness of data from the Directorate of Immigration is extremeJ-y timited for the analysis of international- l_abour migration. Moreover the storage details of the data are

unclear and access to them ís very problematical. It appears that data on departures and arrivafs in Indonesia is still not very accurate, since there is a lack of

15

correspondence

between

Directorate

Immigration and those of

Bureau of that

of

statistical-

from

data

the

the Central

Hugo (1993e:38; 1993a:40) notes

Statistics.

the Directorate

Immigration reported that

in

1990

,649 Indonesian citizens left the country and 586,184 returned, whíl-e 1990 census data only mentions 25I, 389 621

Indonesian

citizens

in

permanent residents

countries

who had not âs well

Indonesian citizenship,

(including

relinquished

their

as students and other

(Table 3.1) . Moreover, Table 3.1 shows the

visitors) growth

other

fndonesian

of

citizens

in

other

countries

according to year.

Table 3.1 Continent

Number

of Indonesian Citizens Overseas at the

End of Year 1987-L992.

1987

1988

1989

1990

64,392

i83,868 t,681 23,05r

1991

1

992

t Growth 981 -1.992

å

Africa

Europe

America

Australian/ Paci fi c Tot

a l-

2,242

19.984

r2,522

,9t6 2t6,380 4

55 7,39I 2I, O21 16,073 1

,597

221,343

"

1.,414

2r,221

15,606

B,108 110,807

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, 3

181,683 't, l',6

)|

t 9c,586 '',411

)¿\

I1 ,654

19,305

2r,

25,r35

22,360

23,344

251,389

25I,30't

612

26I,476

5l 22 12

314.9 2U.A

1992 and I994.

.2.2 Data from Pusat AKÀl{ (Centre for Overseas úforkers)

Pusat AKAN has been established sínce I984 within the Indonesian Manpower Department to encourage/ control and co-ordinate the recruítment and sending of fndonesian labour abroad and also to maintain data on those sent

76

overseas (Hugo,1993a:39) . Hugo (1993e:30-35) points out that

each

OCW

candidat.e has to compÌete a form which

information

collects (detailed

in

Table

about 3.2) .

individual

the

workers

The completed forms are

colÌected by Pusat AKAN. However, as he points out, the avail-abIe to

data col-l-ected on the forms is not readily What has

researchers.

been processed

actually

and

published by AKAN rel-ates onJ-y to those workers who are actually

deptoyed by the Ministry

of Manpower since I919

according to countries of destination,

their

and sex (Hugo, \993e:32) . More recently made availabl'e

on the

workers

contract

from

of

distribution Indonesia

provinces and kabupaten of origin

occupations

data have been al-1 overseas

according

to

and according to the

main índustry in which they are employed- Pusat is starting

to produce a list

to sex, pJ-ace of origin arríval.

of returning

(province),

OCWs

according

and month/year of

OCWs

and has been used in this study, both

as a means of providing an overview of the legal OCWs

AKAN nol^/

The data from Pusat AKAN are important for the

study of Ìegal of

their

movement

and in the selection of the study area which

was

based on the large number of overseas contract workers which it supplied.

77

Table

PAGE

3

1:

2 Indonesian Vlorker Identification Form (Daftar Identitas Tenaga Kerja Indonesia) INFORMATION ON APPLICANT Number Worker Identification Name of hlorker Place and Date of Birth

Gender Rel igion

Marital Status Detailed Address Name and Detail-ed Address of Husband/Wife Name and Detailed Address of ParenL/Guardian Level of Formal Education Card Detai-ls Identification Birth Certificate Details Details of Letter Certifying the Good Character Details of Certificate of Marriage/Dlvorce/ Unmarried

Detatls of Letter of Permission from Parent/ Guardian / Husband/wi fe

Details of Driver's Licence Details of Information from (Department of Manpower) PAGE

2:

DEPNAKER

INFORMATION ON PREPARATION AND PLACEMENT

Traininq Inst j-tut ion Attended Details of Certificate of SkilJ- Training Detai-l-s of Certifj-cate of Pre Departure Orientation Training Details of Health Check Certificate V{hether Pass or Failed Final Sel-ection Details of Recruiting'Agency Sending Vùorker Away

Details of Overseas EmpJ-oyer Type of Work to be Undertaken Wages to be Paid Length of Contract Authentication of Promise of Work Social Security Number Passport Number Visa Number FISCAL (the overseas travel tax) Waiver Number Signature Authorising Departure

Source:

Hugo

,

I9 93e:31

78

It

is important to point out that Indonesian workers in

other

(especially

countries

in

Malaysia)

undocumented out-number the total

who are

number of Indonesi-an

workers J-egalJ-y overseas (Hugo, 1993e; Country Report: Indonesi-a, I992; Lim, I99I:15). has poínted that

Moreover, Hugo (1993a:39)

AKAN statistics

excl-ude: "Indonesian

workers who l-eave the nation J-egally with the indication that they are leaving for some reason other than work, but in fact

end up workinq at their

destination...and

workers who J-eave the country ill-egalJ-y and work in other countries. " important

It

is

argued that

infor'mation which is

there

is

also

not asked of

some

the

OCW

candidate such as "whether or not the worker has

gone

overseas before, and if So, where, details and experience which the family,

number of

details

of

f

applicant

dependents etc.

amily members already

skil-J-s" (Hugo 1993e:30)

of work skills

has,' detail-s of

the

of

applicant,'

overseas,' language

.

3.2.3 Overseas Labour Suppliers In Indonesia al-l

OCW

recruiters

have to be registered

with the government and they have formed together into associatlon

(Pusat AKAN, I99I) . The Indonesian

an

Manpo\^ier

Supp]-ier Association (IMSA)' came into being to assist the

t Slnce I994 the Indonesian Manpower Department has , .sos¿asr Perusahaan Jasa Tenaqa Kerja established

79

government to coordinate those OCW recruiters Manpower SuppJ-ier) 3 in carrying out the

overseas

(Indonesian

program of

empJ-oyment.

Besides the Indonesian worker Identification also col-lect

data from

OCW

Form,

candidates when they first

make contact with them" (Hugo, I993e:30).

more

information

Indonesian

Worker

questionnaires (1

993e : 32 )

about

Indonesian

Identification

(Table

3.3) .

points out, it

PPTKI4

They coflect

OCWs than Form

Unfortunately,

is not known

(1

by âS

the

using Hugo

) how many of

use the forms, (2) how many store them, and (3) the -extent to which the data from them are

PPTKI actually

computerised. Moreover, it has been found to be difficult to gain the cooperation wich the recruiters

in survey

work. In his study, Adi (1986) for example, could obtain data from two Iabour suppliers letter

from the Head of

onJ-y, although he had

Sub Directorate

a

AKAD/AKAN,

Department of Manpower, which was directed to al-l- l-abour

supplj-ers asking for their

cooperation in his study. It

Indonesia (APJATI) (The Indonesian Manpower Service Firm Association) to replace IMSA with purpose of encouraging, controlJ-ing and co-ordinating the recruitment and sending of Indonesian labour abroad (Kompas, 30 May 1995). 3 The Indonesian Manpo\^rer Supplier (Perusahaan Pengerah Tenaga Ker ja Indonesia \^/as changed by PPTKI ) MinisterialRegulation NO: PER- 02 /MEN / 1994 in 7994 to become the Indonesian Manpower Service Firm (Perusahaan Jasa Tenaga Kerja Indonesia PJTKI). a According to the Center of Overseas Employment, in 1990 there \^/ere 241 PPTKI in various cit ies throughout Indonesia, but most of them are located in Jakarta (Pusat AKAN, n.d)

80

is possj-ble that

one of the reasons is the recruiter

agent might manipulate the data of possibifity

OCW

to improve the

of them going overseas (Bethan, I993:91-93).

AIso many recruiters

are illegal

and operate outside of

IMSA and AKAN. According to Spaan (\994:109) , informal

recruitment channels pJ-ay a vit.aI

role in the fl_ows of

Indonesian overseas workers.

Table Ful I

3

3 Questionnaire for Owerseas Contract gforker Candidates (Designed by the fndonesian Manpower Supplier Àssociation (IMSA)

Name

Dace of Bi rLh Place oí BirLh NaLionaliLy ot BirEll Sex

Height

Weight

Blood croup Marital StaLus Re I igi on PermanenL Address Person to be Notified in Home CounLry in C¿se of Iìmercr()rìcy DependenLs (name, da¡e of birun, reÌacionsnip) Rel-atives Employed by a Public InLernaLionaÌ OrganisaLion (nàme, relaLionship, name of international organisation) !'ùhat Field of Work or Tråinr.ng do you Prefer? Would you Accept [,Jork or Training for aL.]-eâsL 6 MonLhs? WouId you Accept Employment or Trainj-ng in AnoLher count.ry fo: i\4ore't'lìan: 1 year; 2 years; 3 years tùhat is Your Mother Tongue? l/,lhaL OLher Languages Do You Have'? (Read,. ldriLe,. Speak; Unders c and

)

For ClericaL Grades Only (indica¡e speed in words per mlnuLe for Engìish, French ancl ocher languages in shorLhancj anci cyping; i;-sc any office mactrrnes or equipmenr yocan use) StaLe Reasons f or Wishing to [,üork or Train in AnoLher Ccì..]nL:y Forma.I Educat.ion Background (counLry, place of educaL ion,. t ron monrh/ye
Source:

Huqo

,

79 93e: ¡s

8l

3.3 The Field Surwey Design secondary data sources provide

The available little

information

causes

and

about the

only

characteristics,

scale,

international

consequences of

a

labour

migration. Hugo (I9B2b) has pointed out that the scal-e of non-permanent forms of movement in Indonesia (including

temporary international reliably

labour migration)

such movement. Because secondary

data r¡rere inadequate for

analysing the aims of this

study, primary data hrere col-lected through f ield In

order

t;

col-lect

information,

a

and was suppJ,emented by in-depth interviews observation. The resercher also collected

impact

of

international

process was important

(Hugo, 1992a:IB3)

labour

as

the phenomenon of miqration.

This

deal of the migration j-s available in

.

Sukasari h¡as selected

the basis of

workers,

sources such as newspapers and magazines

non-tradltional

Desa

news

because a great

information about international

After

articl-es,

and research findings in this area

this is an important \^ray of identifying the

OCWs

and direct

about Indonesian overseas contract

government policies

work.

structured

questionnaire was appJ-ied to a sample of families of

and stories

be

data collection

estimated because the existing

system fail-s to identify

cannot

it

as

the research area

on

having a large number of OCWs, the

82

researcher began to live in the village a deeper knowledge about it

in order to gaín

and to develop a working

with the community. During that

relationship

time the

sampling frame \^/as compiled, questionnaires were tested, revised and reconstructed, interviewers v/ere recruited and trained

and one

assistant

(three months) whiJ-e the

entire period of data collection intervieh'ers

stayed in the village

interviewing

only. The village

deputy heads of providing

during the time of

secretary,

the heads

each dusun were important

informants dur:ing field

for

in the viJ-lage for the

The researcher lived

fieldwork.

was recruited

and

as key

work. They were ímportant al-so in

the necessary data for

analyse the impact of international

their

sub-areas to

labour migration at

the community leveI.

Community i-nformation together with

individual/household

survey data is

important to study

the consequences of migration (BiJ-sborrow, 1981).

3.3.1 Selection of the Study Area The seÌection of the community/research area for investigatíon was accompJ-ished through a multistage selection procedure. It was seÌected on the basis of identifying an area which supplied a large number of Iegal- overseas contract workers. It has already been pointed out that there are considerable numbers of ill-egal rndonesian workers overseas, especiaJ-1y in

83

Malaysia (Singhanetra-Renard, LgB4; Hugo, êt âI., Lim,

I

and

I9B1

¡

, 1992 ; Tempo , 11 January 1992,' Hugo , 19 93a ) . However, it i s not poss ible to obtain information on the origins of illegal migrants 19

91

,'

Dora-I

Paramas ivam

for sampling purposes and so the data relating

to

of the

migrants only was used. Hence in the selection

workers viere firstly

research area overseas contract

secondly, the kabupaten (regency) in that

identified; province contract

which had the

number of

largest

workers was identified;

(district)

in that kabupaten which had the largest

desa (village)

Iargest

overseas

thj-rdJ-y, the kecamatan

of overseas contract workers v/as identified; the

legaJ-

number of

identified

in

that

overseas

number

and finaIIy,

kecamatan which had the contract

workers

and chosen as the study area- Table 3.4

was

shows

the hierarchy of Indonesian regions.

of all legaloverseas contract workers from Indonesia according to province and kabupaten of origin. From the data it was obvious that the largest number of Indonesian overseas contract workers came from West Java Province and among the kabupaten in this province, Kabupaten Cianjur had the Iargest number of Indonesian overseas contract workers (Tabl-e 3.5, Figures 3.3 and 3"4). Some 39.3 percent (I25,948 OCWs) of Indonesian OCWs came from West Java Pusat

AKAN

províded data on the distribution

84

Province and 29.6 percent of them came from Kabupaten Cianjur.

The pattern

migration will

of Indonesian international

be described in detail

labour

in Chapter Four.

Tab1e 3.4= Indonesia: Number of Administratiwe Units,L992 (P

?roDlnsl rovi nce )

UI UI ACCN 02 NorLh SumaLera 03 ['ì]esL Sumatera 04

05 06 07 08 09 10 11

I2 13

I4

15

76 T1

18

19 20 2L

22 23 24

25 26

'-t{ecanaíàrl DeiaT DisLricLl Kelurdttàn (Village)

KâbUDaT,

(

SouLh SumaLera Ri au

Regenby

)

'Tqz-'

z6

1

8 8 5 5

i" öii

3l

t

1,

526

't , LoA

529 609 108

8 8

13

1

6 B

t

l 2

82 85

105 168

1 1

7_

62 64

t

109

1 1

3

185

?

i .

3r

396

6I1

2

380 835 583

59 114

1

134

56

1

2

50s 242

65-,

s'C

5t

1

138 495

38i I 360

13

2

,134 265

4.\

5

5

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik,

ì ,266 12Â

1

54

11

1

Central SuÌ aw ESì 4 SouLhea SL Su.L awest 4 West Nu sa Ten ggaLà 6 Ea sJ,- Nu sa Ten 9ga rå t2 Bal i B Ma.l-uku 4 Irian J aya 9

5,291

?, 46'l 2, 140

t8

I

Jambi LamDU nq 4 Bengkufu 3 DKI Jàkârtâ Weêf Java zo Dl YoovåkårLa 4 Centrá1 Java 29 EâsL Java 29 !!esL Kâl-imanLan 6 EasL KaLimantan 4 SouLh KalimanLan 9 CenLraÌ KaÌimancan 5 North Sulawesi 4 South Sul awesi 2I

l;6qj

243 103 101

6 2 2

,T1

631

I994

The Province of Origin of Indonesian Overseas I{orkers, in the Fifth Fiwe Year Development PIan, April 1989-March L992

Table 3.5

P

rov I nce

o

06 01 08 09

tot

oc !Ì

umatera

sL Sumatera uth SumaLera AU

Jambi

2 01 66

16,408

9

LåmDUno

Benäku fu -JakarLa DKI

10 West \fava

l1 DI Yoovâkår¡-a I2 Centrá1 Java

605

3

18,16?

t25,

948

2,082 54,204

t(eoencv

oi

wésr- J ava

OCt/Ì

3

Su a

ml

ci r e

n

05 rUL 0 6 Bo 9ör 0 1 Ka ràw a n q 0 B Tà srk ma Iaya 0 9 Se ranq 1 0 Maialén qka 1 1

12 1 3

l3 Easc Java 38,510 I4 West KaLimanLan 445 1 4 15 EasL Kalimantan 4I,315 1 16 Sou t h Ka.l i man L an I25 1 6 11 CentraÌ KalimanLan 1 1 18 NorLh Su.lawesi 95 I8 I9 SouLh Su ì awesi 6, 083 1 9 20 CenLràl Su-Iawesi 20 21 Soucheas! Sulawesi 22 Wesc Nusa Tenggara 23 East Nusa TengÇara 24 BaÌi 25 Mâluku 26 Irian Jaya

1 B

33 99

tì /ì 0

:¿

49 5

1

59 2

4

B4

Purwaka rLa

2 2

Ciamlé Bekasi

14 4 12 8 43 0 48 1 35 1

\,, 06 9

Kun Í nga n

q, B2 6 J, 52 1

Le6a k I nd rama yu

Pandeql I¿n9 Sumedan

Subang Tànqqe r ang 1

31 5

80 5

,306

4,662

314 24

9

L¿>,Yqó

Sources: Pusat AKAN, Department of Manpower,

1992

It.s

Figure 3.3: The Province of Origin of Official Regist,ered Indonesian Overseas workers, in the Fifth Five Year Development PIan, 1989-March 1992 MALES

FEMALES

50.000

25,000

/ 10.000

2,000

\

less than 100

o

o

21

ùl o

26

0

"o

'6? è totsl 125,948

0 1 D] ACEH

2 N.SUMAIERA 3 W.SUMATERA

.

S.SUMATERA 5 RIAU

11 DI YOGYAKARTA 6 JAMBI 12 C.JAVA 7 LAMPUNG 8 BENGKULU 13 E.JAVA 9 DKI JAKARTA 14 W.KALIMANTAN O W.JAVA

15 E.KALIMANTAN

18 S. KALIMANTAN 17 C.KALIMANTAN 18 N SULAWESI 19 S.SULAWESI

20 c suLAwEst

kms 500

21 SE.SULAWESI 22 W.NUSA TENGGARA 23 E.NUSA TENGGARA

1000

24 BALI

25 MALUKU 26 IRIAN

Sources: Hugo, 1994a

After Kabupaten Cianjur was select.ed, the researcher sought research permission from (1 ) the Directorate Department of Internal General of Social-Politics, Affairs, Jakarta, (2) the Directorate of Socíal-Politrcs, West Java Government, Bandung and (3) the Directorate of

J,IYA



Social-Politics,

Kabupaten Cianjur.

With letters permission from the above Dj_rectorates the researcher

of

Figure 3.42 The Regency of origin of official Registered fndonesían Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five year Development plan, Àpri1 1999_March ]-992

-. ---

P¡eyi¡çial Boundary Govt.Regional Regency Boundary

Java Sea

11()

MALES

FEMALES 40:O00

tl I

20,000

r

r.d

-t

8

\

U

0.000

I

I

5.000

I

lndian Ocean 0 kms

r.000 1 BANDUNG

2 CIANJUR

3 SUKABUMI 4 CIREBON

5 GARUT 6 BOGOR 7 KARAWANG 8 TASIKMALAYA

9 SERANG

IO MAJALENGKA 1

1 LEBAK

I2

INDRAMAYU

13 PURWAKARTA 14 SUMEDANG 15 PANDEGLANG 16 CtAMtS

50

t00

17 BEKASI 18 SUBANG 19 TANGGERANG 20 KUNINGAN

Source: Hugro, 1994a

sought more detailed community level data on oCWs according Po kecamatan and desa from the office of Department of Manpower, Rabupaten cian j ur in ord.er to facilitate selection of a study community. However, they

¡i7

only had OCW data according to kecamatan. Accordingr to these data it was reported Lhat among 2L kecamatan in Kabupaten Cianjur, Kecamatan Cianjur which had the second larqest population in Kabupaten Cianjur had the larqest number of overseas contract workers. Table 3.6 shows that most (94.3 percent) of the OCWs were female and that in five kecamatan : Cidaun, Naringgul, Takokak, Cikalong Kulon and Pacet ( see Fiqure 3.5 ) no inhabitants are recorded as officially working overseas. It. is perhaps surprísing t.hat Kecamatan Pacet which is very similar to population and other Kecamatan Cianjur in total characteristics as well as being located nearby, did not have any overseas workers. This is often the situation with migration due to t.he significance of social networks (Hugo

,I993c:10-13 ) .

Table 3.6: The Origin of Indonesian Overseas Workers in the FÍfLh Five Year Development Plan,1989-t992 )

MaIe ang

Warung Kondang Mande

Cuqenanq Kaianq Ten,lah Bo j onõ Pi crlng

Agraþrnta

SuKanegara

Tanqqeunq sindãnq Éarans KaduDañdak

cibi-nong Pagelaran CamDaka

cidäun

Narincrcrul TakokáK

Female ToLal

i:e): R'ir.i,:) 0 (i

4

87 2ti l 33 9 12 04 9 OE 99 3

E

0 0 4 3 1 4 7 6 1 5 0

l9

63 ô

62 4). 3 37 lLj :, 41 t'

4t 4t 9

72 3€' 0 17 61 9

7L 12

l9 4 I3 2

50 3r' ti 37 L2 q

:

4t 86 20r 2t I

cj-kalonq Kulon

70 59 ti

Pacet

.I'OLAI

Total

5,JU5 J5,l-Lj

4U,4rb

r,bb t,4:,i.i

_t

I I

I I I I

a

I L

icr IC3 L_)¿

Kantor Departemen Tenaqa Kerja Kabupaten Cianjur,1992 ,\ Kantor St.atistik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1'99t

Sources : I

al

)

88

Figure 3.5:The Kecamatan of Origin of Official Registered Indonesian Owerseas Vlorkers/ in the Fifth Five Year Development P1an, April 1989-August L992

KAB. KARAWANG

KAB.

KAB.BOGOR

PURWAKARTA

o 5000 2500 1000

KAB. SUKABUMI

MALES

FEMALES

KAB. BANDUNG

KAB GARUT

Ocean

lndian

Kerja Kabupaten Cianjur, 2l Kantor Statistik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991

Sources: 1) Kantor Departemen Tenaga L992

li(.)

Cianjur Office the reseacher received data on t,he numbers of OCWs for the period Aprif 1989 to October L992 by desa. According to this source, Ðesa Sawahgede and Pamoyanan, two urban desa in Kecan'ntan Cianjur, had the largest number of oCWs, with 1089 and f0B3 respectively. Surprisingly however, when the researcher conducted a survey usinq a village questionnaire (Appendix 2) in all desa in Kecantatan Cianjur in order to establish more accurately which de-sa in Kecatnatan Cianjur had the larqest number of OCWs, there were only a few vj-llagers who worked abroad from Desa Sawahgede and Pamoyanan (Table 3.7 ) . It is possible From Kecamatan

bhat people from other villages have used another address from ,esa Sawahgede or Pamoyanan as it was easier to arrange for an overseas work permit. to be obt.ained. This shows that the Indonesian international labour miqration

statistics are not yet accurately recorded, especially at the lowesL level-s of the administrative hi-erarchy. Moreover, Table 3 .7 shows that the t.otal number of OCWs in Kecamatan Cianjur was very severely underestimated when compared with the more complete AKAN data as shown in Table 3.6. In addition, people were possibly staying in the city to complete the t.ime consuming paperwork in order to get permission to migrate, and hence gave temporary rather than permanent place of residence.

90

Indonesian Overseas glorkers from Keeamatan Cianjur Since L979

Table 3.7

Total

ocw

Desa 01 02 03 04 05 06 01 OB

09

Sawahgede Pamoyanan Bo j ongherangt Muka SoJ-okpandan Sayang

Limbangansari Mekarsari Sukasari

10 Babakankaret 11 Nagrak T2 Rancaqoongt 13 S i rnagal ì-h 1,4

15

Munjul

Sukama ju

I6 Rahong L7 18

Ciharashas

Cibinong HiIir I9 Sukake rt a 20 2T

S

indangs arl-

Mulyasari

Sources

1) 2)

in 1990 2)

41 41 24 11

rI,2B9

16 51 31 348 20 210 265 31 13 24 39

29, 023 5,481

r44

B

2Q

r96

r, 61r

total

1)

Total- populat ion r4 ,1 0r r4 ,1 39 L6, 6'7 0

r4, 9r6

ratio

2,3r'7

91 91 91 99

3,295 3, 656 3,159 6,025 r,2'73 r,'7 82 2,243 r, r96 L,862 L,349 2, 635

9B

5,505

103 100 100

B,683 4,-169 B ,23'7

rr,064

4, 983 5,032 5

,168

6, rr2

4, 640 1t4't6 6,3'7

4

5,158

198,136

hold

96 100

r02 105 105

r04

r02 99 101 101 100 101 95

100

I

house-

2)

,516

'7

Tota

Sex

2)

3, 355

T 1
r, r94 l,

r,

491 459

r,2rB

2,068 1,758 r,2'7 B

45,'7'78

Field data, 1992: total OCW s j-nce I919 Mant ri Statist.ik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991

The viJ-Iage questionnaires which col-lected other background information were divided into sections to demographic and socio-economic relating characteristics of the village and opinions about overseas migrant workers. The questionnaire was to be completed -by the head and/or secretary (juru tuLrs) of the viJ-lage. GeneraJ-ly, there was no of f j-cialregistration of OCWs at the desa level, therefore the researcher was to give the questionnaires to the head of

9l

each desa to flll number of

in and then carefulty

OCWs from their

village

estimate the

using

their

own

knowledge. The researcher then checked all of the answers in the questionnaires and discussed the reliability val-idity

of the data with the head/staff

and

of desa who had

completed each questionnaire. From this survey (completed 12 November 1992) it had the largest

was evident that Desa Sukasari has

number of Indonesian overseas contract

workers in Kecamdtan Cianjur since I9-19 (TabIe 3.7)

and

hence, the researcher sel-ected Desa Sukasari for his case study area. This desa had 2t243 househol-ds in 1990 and it consisted of 5 dusunt (sub-viJ-Lages) which had different numbers of overseas contract

workers. It

lvas estimated

that in Desa Sukasari, which had more mal-es than (sex ratio:105), a returned

OCW

f emal-es

about 15.5 percent of the households had present or had one currently

Figure 3.6 shows the location

away working.

of Desa Sukasari within

Indonesi-a.

3.3 2 Selection of Respondents and Sampling Procedures for the Household Surwey The research population here consisted of overseas worker

households ( i. e. those containing returned

OCWs and

those

s) The Head of the Sub-ViJ-J-age (KepaIa Dusun) is not only responsible for carrying out orders from the ViJ-lage Head in village deveJ-opment, but al-so must use initiative in efforts to develop his "dnsun".

92

Figure 3.6 Sukasari ViIIage: Research Area INDONESIA

Ma

s

r'0

Java

ta

JAVA Jakarta Java Sea

q

NTRAL

Kab.Cianjur EAST

lndian Ocean

KAB

crA NJUR

t- --Ì I PACET

\rÁr;

\ CIKALONG KULON

K I

KARANGTENGAH

KEC. CIANJUR

MATAN CI NJUR

--7 ,

,

¡

l\ ,'l TAKOKAK tì

(

BOJONGPICUNG

Study Area Urban Areas

Capital City PAMOYANAN

CAMPÂKA t ¿

)

NAGRAK

/

MUNJUL.\\ RAHONG

,

\ )

CIBINONG

AGRABINTA

CIDAUN

t:

SUKASARI

L::¡ {,

I

SINDANGSARI

------\--

I

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik,

MULYASARI

1990, L982

ffia

93

with workers still working overseas ) Accordingly tl-re sampling unit in the survey was the household whicl-r had an OCW or returned OCW. In Indonesia a household is defined as a person , ot a group of persons, who occupy a part or the whole of one living quarLer (bang;unan fisik/sensus) and who usually make provision for food and other essential-s for living collectively (Bíro Pusat Statist.ik , L985:17 ) . For the purposes of this study persons who at the time were temporarily absent from that group but were still considered to be part of that group, were included as members of t.he household. Hence a de jure principle was adopted in carryinq out the survey. The head of each

OCW

household, whether he/she was an

OCW

or not, was nominated as the respondent. Hence, in the case where the OCW household is not headed by an OCI,V, the head of the household was chosen as the respondent because it was considered t.hat Lhe head of household was the most knowledqeable person to ask questions about the detailed condition of the household. Simmons (1982:I14) has pointed out that, "In Ehe household questionnaire a knowledgeable adult the househol-d is asked to provide certain information on each current resident of the household. This includes place of birth, whether the member is temporarily away (working, studyingi, visiting;, etc. elsewhere, â9ê, sex, l-abour f orce act ivity status education completed and relationship to the head of the household.....Also part of the household questionnaire is an inventory of househol-d economic characterisLics such

member of

)

,

94

as land holdings, business operations, and housing conditions il

From November 2Oth, 1992, the researcher stayed in

Sukasari, After

living

as a member of a village

introducing himself to the staff

of the Office of step v{as to

of the overseas workers from Desa Sukasari

make a list

for

househol-d.

the first

Desa Sukasari and some villagers,

Desa

each dusun: name, sex, address, whether they have

returned

or

are

empJ-oyment. Thj-s l-ist

country

abroad and the

still

was used as a sampling

(Appendix 3) . Unfortunately,

of

f rame

there were no registration

record.s kept concerning the names of

OCWs

in the office

secretary was not sure

of Desa Sukasari, and the village

about the exact number and names of

OCWs

because there

was a continual- coming and going of overseas migrant workers. secretary, this

The researcher

together

the

went to the head of each dusun

information and made a l-isting

address of each villaqer assist.ed by the association more readily

heads of

asking for

of the name, sex

the head of each dusun rukun tetangga

or sub-areas within identify

vilJ-age

and

who \^ras workingi overseas and/or

who had returned. Fortunately

stilf

with

was

(household

each dusun) who could

most of their

villaqers

overseas or who had returned from there.

who were This is

understandabl-e as the head of rukun tetangga heads about.

58 households in his neighborhood and knows his members intimatel-y (warga) and hears alI events in his area. From

95

these notes, the researcher made a sampJ-ing frame. total- number of

OCWs

(male and female) identified

dusun can be seen i-n Table Iisting

3.B.

(Table 3.8) was higher (382

in each

The result OCWs)

The

of that

than that of

a

Total PopulaÈion, Households and Overseas Contract Workers in Sukasari ViIIage Total Tot alTotal ReOCWs stillSub-ViJ-Iage (Dusun) popuhouse turnees abroad migrant Iation ho lds

Table 3.8

(May

a u

2.CLlaku Hilir 3 . Gegerbitung

4.Ci¡ati

5 . Palasari

mafe fe-

(May

1991)

1991)

2,052 r, 44r

s00 406 393 443 3s6

r,

415

r,844 r,362

male

1a )L

40 22 22 25 11

10 10 1 1

8,114 2,098 66 Source: FieId data, ]-992 Total-

r20

male fe-

male

),9 B

I2

36

r21

5t

77

43

B1

Jtr

I1

4

15

54 31

48 148

382

survey conducted using vilÌage questionnaires (348 OCWs) (see Tabl-e 3 .7 ) , indicating some undercounting by the village level of ficial. The numbers given j-n TabIe 3.1 for all villages in the kecamatan therefore must be seen as significantly under-estimated. It j-s because in some areas the coming and going of OCWts is such an everyday event that officials are not sure who is a\^/ay and who is not. The sample of households was selected using a stratified random sampJ-ing

met.hod

It

was decided to

use

a

96

stratified random sampling procedure because the total number of sampling units (Nh) of Lhe study varied from stratum to stratum (PareI, et aI . 197 B ) . The sampJ-ing units in this study are OCWs accordì-ng to sub-viIIages, according to status of migrant (returnee and migrant abroad) and according to sex. The foJ-lowing stilI approach r^ras used to cal-culate the sample size in each strata. N

Nn. Sh2

n= ¡2 .¿2 +

Nh.

Sh2

Nh

And nh

n N

= sampJ-e size = total number of sampling uni t e h- total number of sampling uní t Ín the stratum sh2 = variance d standard error of the mean Z = reliability

where: n

N N

The values of Z corresponding to the prescribed are obtained from the table "area under the reliability normal- curve".

9'l

Table 3.9: The Value of Reliability I

Re

l-

ty

IN

percentaqe values

r.290

Z

95%

90å

B0%

1

99%

.645 r.960

2.575

(Parel-, et âf . , I91B:69) Because the variance

(Sh2) in Desa Sukasari is unknown,

one of the possibl-e ways of doing this results

is

using the

survey (Parel, et âf ., I9'78:. 69)

of a pilot

"the best thing that

can be done is simply to take

certain percentage of the whol-e populationr sây 2, 5, 20,

or

50 percent

and

N."...The

of

sampJ-e size

distribution

10,

should

preferably be not smaller than 30" (PareI, et âl., 71) . Any variance of variable

a

1978:

can be used

and in Parel, êt al-'s (1978: 60-65) study of students in public they

schools in the Metro Manil-a area, the variance used was for

the

studentst average f inancial

variable

of

distribution

of

al-l-owances per week. In the

present study, the variance of mean of expenditure per person was used and the reason for this economic status of vrere relat.ively

OCW

the

households in the survey viJ-lage

heterogeneous, especially with respect to

househol-d expenditures. The pilot

not only to

was that

survey \^/as carried out,

work out the estimation

of variance

Sukasari, but also to try out the questionnaire and improvements to it.

ín make

et{

In Ehe pilot survey, the interviewing of 60 heads of OCW households in Desa Sukasarj- was carrj-ed out (L2 heads of OCWs in each dusun: 6 returnee households and 6 households which had OCWs still abroad) :

(a) . The 60

OCW

household respondents were sampled usingt

proportionate random sampling accordinq to sex of OCWs by usinq a t.able of Random Numbers (Blalock , I9'7I:5 9B-601) The resulL can be seen in Table 3.1-0 and most of t-he information from piJ-ot survey turned out to be used as .

well in this study. (b) . Seven interviewers and one assistanL were recruited,

and trained. Five interviewers had grraduated from the rnstitut Pertanian Bogor (Boglor rnstitute of AgricuJ-ture) and were experienced in rural based research. Although a1l of them had experience in interviewing, they were trained before the fiel-dwork commenced. T\,vo interviewers were students in the final phase of their undergraduate degrrees at t.he University of Parahyangan, Bandunq. The assistant, a Sukasari villager, had dut.ies as a guide, âs a source of inf ormation about his village and t.he community of Sukasari and administ.rative tasks such as photocopying, purchasing, etc. (c). During the third step, the interviewers and the researcher interviewed respondents by using structured

99

QA (Questionna-ire A) for the head of each

questionnaires:

returned migrant household where the returnee was not the household head; QC (Quest,ionnaire C) for the head of each

returned migrant household where the returnee was the

Table 3.10: The Total Sample of Respondents for Pilot Survey

a

_V

male 1.

2

Cilaku

Nh

proport ion

32 0 .44

abroad

female

121

2

4

I2

10

22

0.31

0

2

4

10

22

B

.69

3 . Geger-

n

n Nh

1 0

.22

?o

0 1

0

.22

1

5

0.78

0

5

1

11

0.

.18

I2 69

25

7 0 1

proport ion

tota.l-

0 4

2

4.Cijati Nh proportion 5.PaIasari

0.31

19

0.6s

Nh

Nh bitung proportion

femal-e 36

3

n

male

al

0.3s

3

proport ion

Tot

0.56

40

n

Ci Iaku

Hilir

grant st

returnee

age

61

4 0

.23

11

31 0 .82 5

I2

43

B1

0.78 5

T2

I1

54

0.11 T2

5

.2r

15

JI

n "o

n

2

4

1

5

I2

Nh n

66 10

r20

4B

T4B

382

20

6

24

60

Source: FieÌd data ,

1,992

household head; QB (Questionnaire B) for the head of each

migrant

househol-d where one or more members of

househol-d were still

(Questionnaire

the

worklng in another country; and

D) for

the

head of

QD

each non-migrant

household (Appendix 4). The questions r^iere grouped into

B

100

topics (Table 3.11) . Eight. topics \^rere identified as key Ímpact areas to be anaÌysed in this study. These \^/ere employment, íncome, social- welfare, modernity, participation, social/politicat population fertility, size and foreign exchangTe and were each represented by a series of questions in the questionnaire. Table 3.11: The Topics of Questions in the Questionnaire of OCW and Non-OCW Household Topic I

II III IV \/

VI

VII VIII

Socio-economic Characteristics and Conditions of the Household

for Working Overseas Process of Miqration Experiences in the Country of Destination Probl-ems at Home a. Problems of Reintegration b. Participation Migration in the Future Level of Modernisation

QA +

QB QC +

Reasons

+

QD

+

+ +

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

. During the interview activities in the pilot survey some problems r^rere identified and these \^rere: (d)

(1)

questionnaíre, especially the section about the composition of the househoÌd needed to be The

re-structured. (2) Questions about household expenditure, income savings h¡ere diffícult respondent cl-aimed

to obtain answers to. "

and One

Soal- pendapatan and tabungan

sjh rahasia" ("Income and savings are a secret"). Another respondent never received'remittances' from his

wife

because he claimed,

always sent the information then,

it

money to

regarding in

to

her mother. ask

be patient.

For

and the

The question

about

their

November ( the

the month of

previ-ous month) only

wife

househol-d expend.Íture,

was decided to

expenditure

his

interviewers "Hov,' much

had

do you

spend on buying cigarettes, for example, had to be

asked in

several

members in this

questions:

"Do you, or other

household., smoke?" If the answer

was yês, then, "How many packs of

day do you smoke?"

smoke?

"

cigarettes

"What cigarettes

"How much is the price of...

a

do you

(mentioning

the name of a brand of cigarettes) ?"

(3) The researcher and interviewers had a little difficulty in finding the respondents at times because in Sukasari the houses are un-numbered and some people have the same name " In addition, sometimes two respondents were found to live in

102

the one household (4)

t.o be interviewed although the interviewers and the researcìrer carried a leLLer from the Head of Desa Sukasari. These two respondents had had bad experiences after Lheir OCWs returned from overseas. One was robbed [he day after someone had interviewed him in his house. Another respondent thought r-hat the purpose of t.he interviews was for collecting taxes from OCWs. TWo

respondents were afraid

the pilot survey the mean expenditure of each member of an OCW household was established, both for households with OCWs stil-l- abroad (Rp. 40,330) and households with returned OCWs (Rp. 41,600). Therefore the variance of the mean expenditure of OCW households in Desa Sukasari can be calculat.ed as f ollows: From

sh2

s:n2

sh2

E (xi-x)l n-1

for households with oCW stil-] abroad for Households with returned OCW

Table3.l-2 silows the procedure for cal-cul-ating

=

914.7

=

401.15

l,tn.Sh2

B

103

Tab1e

3

.12: The Calculat,ion of SLraLum OCV'I

Nn. Sh2 sh2

Nn

Nn. sh2

HousehoÌds wlch ab:oad ',96 91,4.'lt3

s:rli

r19.296.88

Uzuc.'¡..-r....

reLurneo ToLaÌ

t4,63t.9C

r,c

.86

OCi/v

253, 91.0.7tì

JöI

Source: Field data , I992 The follor¡ring formula was used to calculate

the sample,

using a Standard Error of the Mean (d) of expenditure of (Z) of 95% (1.96). The 2.5 (2,500 rupiah) and Reliability sample therefore rdas:

N

Nn. Sh2

n

¡12 .¿2 +

Nh.

Sh2

-? ¿.-

(382¡ (253,910.78)

n= (382)

2

198

(z .5)

2 +

253,910.78

Q.s6)2

n (household with returned

186 OCWs)

382 n (househoi-d

\^iith

OCWs

still

abroad)

r96 =

x

198

96

x

198

r02

382

The sample for each dusun can be seen in Tabi_e 3.13.

lù1

Table

3 .13

: Sarnple OC9l Households in Each Dusun Households with Returned OCWs

Sub-viIlage (Dusun)

Households with Abroad OCWs still

N1

n1

N2

n2

31 L1

trç

29 23 29

Palasari

12 32 JZ 32 18

Tot al-

186

CiIaku Cil-aku HiIir Gegerbitung

Cijati

NoLe

NT

nl

I1 I1

I

x n (houseiroì
=

45 55 22

11 10

r9

r02

91 OC'irj

= 96)

186

n2=

N2

r96

x n (household wiLh

OCW

sLiLi

'.A2ì|

¿þroad

Source: Field data , I992 Wlth the same procedure, the sample for each dusun by sex is

shown

in Table 3.]-4.

Table 3.14: Samp1e OC9f Households in Each Dusun According

to MaIe and Female Households wi th Returned OcWs

Sub-village (

Dusun

)

f4a

cilàku Cil-aku Hi.l.ir Gegerbi tung

cijaci Palasari Note

r

nl

Nlm nim

Nit

12 32 32 71 18

31 11 71

32 16 t0 5 10 5 14 13

4C

22 22 25 11

6

1-1

9

nlm =

N1m N1

x nI

33

Households

- lh

nlf -

N1f

x

N1

nri

w iL r.ir

OCWs sL i.l- I Abroad

Femå e

e

Nl

186 91 66

TotaL

OCWs

a

i'emaìe

e

¡2:

\2

n2 N2m ¡i¡.

\l

7l

55

36

45

?9 23

t9

'12

55

22

t2 13

i9

ti

1

:9

29

l2

)t

23

5

)1

10

4

6 3 2

43

11

9 8

eq ---lgl- to2 N2m n1

n2m

= N2

4'8

xn2

ToiaÌ

!:)

66 40 46

29 19

25 'L4B 78 n2f

N2f =

200

xa2

N2

Source: FieId data, r992

The sample of migrant househol-ds was 200 or about 53 percent of the OCW population in Sukasari. This sample

10.5

proportionally

was distributed

returnees and

OCWs

still-

in each dusun according to

abroad and to the sex of

OCWs.

The sample can be seen as being reasonably representat-ive

of the legal movemenL of this

case,

OCWs

out of this

village.

In

ûo i11ega1 movement has been found in

Sukasari. For comparison purposes, some heads of households in

each dusun were also

non-OCW

interviewed.

The

procedure for choosing the heads of a non-OCW households as respondents was t.hat households interviewed, living

or every two heads of

was

t.o

considered

situat íon/ condition of their questionnaire

OCW

one head of a non-OCW househol-d

closest to them was interviewed. Here, the

household the

f

for

OCW

the

be

aware

non-OCW

of

the

household neighbours. In non-OCW household

the

respondent was asked to give some opinions about their neighbours who had an overseas migirant

member.

3.3.3 Field. Data Collection 3.3 .3.

1 Int,ervíewing

Respond.ents

Before field data coll-ection was conducted, the researcher revised the questionnaire, made a code book and interviews with respondents began (using t.he Indonesian language and Sundanese - the local language of most of West Java, but the answers were all written on in Indonesian). Interviews were conducted in the first week

r06

of December 1992 and ended in the last week of January 1-993. The researcher and the interviewers lived together in one house during this time. Most of the heads of househol-ds coul-d onJ-y be interviewed in the evening because they were working during the day and the time taken for each interview itself was up to 90 minutes.

AII-

of the

written the

answers

down and each evening

interviewers

results toqether. had

to the questions had

woul-d

questíonnaires

out

had

discuss

and

to

been filled

the

or

dusun

the

If

uncertain, In

3

Step

4

Step 5

Recru

on

summary

out in sampling activities

respondents are:

OCW households by

asking the head of

Step 2: Produced A Sampling Frame and SampJ-ing respondent (I2 OCW households for each dusun)

Step

the

wouÌd go back to the respondent

the steps that were carried

Step 1: Listing

what

that

in correctly.

folJ-owing day to cl-arify the information.

before interviewing

and

the interview

check

answers of t.he respondent \^iere incorrect

then the interviewer

be

after the researcher

This v¡as done to avoid forgetting

found

been

to

it ing / Tra in ing inte rvi

ewe

60

rs

Interviewing 60 respondent (pilot survey) CalcuJ-ating variance and deciding on the number ín the sample for Sukasari village and for each dusun

107

Step

6

Sampling of respondents

Step

1

Revj-sing questionnaire

Step

B

(f

rom pilot

reproducing questionnaj-res and making

a

survey),

code-book

Interviewing of all respondent.s

From the initial

sample there were 28 respondents

who

were replaced by reserve respondents, selected by the same procedure (see section 3.3.2) . Of these 2I respondents could not be located because of faulty information in the sampling frame, one had moved out of the village, two respondents were not interviewed because in their households there were more than one OCW/returnee who had been chosen for the first sample, one could not be found even after visiting a few times and three respondents (returnees) had gone overseas aqain. rt was found that there were 11 respondents who did not want to be interviewed, and unfortunately they did not give the reasons. The total number of respondents in t-his survey in the fínal analysis was 189 OCW households and 83 nonOCW households (Table 3.15 ) . The table shows [he respondents for each stratum: dusun, type of OCW household and sex of OCW. In total-, the samþle in this study covered 50 percent of the OCW households in Sukasari. It is hqped that this sample is representative of the OCW households of the Sukasari community in particular and indicative of 1ega1 overseas worker movements more qenerally in Indonesia.

108

Tab].e

3.15:

OCW

Household Respondents According to Dusun, OCW, Sex of OCW and Sample non-OCVI

Status of

Househo].ds Hou seho I

Households

ds

wiLh ReLurned

Dusun

with stil.l.

OCW

ma.l-e fe-

sub-

måle LoLâì

Cilaku

Cilaku Hilir Gegerbi t ung ci jatÍ P aL a sari

Abroaci

16

26

l1

19

4

L5 20

3

2A

6

11 74

4

23

4

13

T1

4

8

I2

2 t

9 1

6?

90

21

78

Tocâ1.

Non-

oc!t House-

OCW

holds

56

30 23 21

i'oLål

House-

hoÌds

male íesubrnaLe LoLal

10

28

TotaÌ

OCVI

19

23

38

5l

Li

4T 2B

"9 20

i0

38

20

L1

31

99

1ðY

I

6'l

Source: Field data, I992

3.3.3.2 In-Depth InÈerviews and Direct Observation In-depth interviews himself with(1)

were carried

out by the researcher

the Head of Sukasari ViIlage,

Heads of dusun and one religious

al-l five

feader; (2) two returned

OCWs; (3) a head of household with OCW still

abroad.

researcher

also

to

íncidental

conversations

warung or

small- restaurants,

public

transport,

took

etc.).

many opportunities with

(such as in

on ojek

or motor-cycle

The Head of Sukasari Village, Gegerbitung,

and Pal-asari and the l-ocal major religious

were interviewed without researcher visited

conduct

villagers

the 5 Heads of Dusun Cil-aku, Cilaku Hilir, Cijati

The

structured

questionnaires.

them two or three

houses or in the vilJ-age office

Ieader

informally

times in

The

their

without making

any notes to encourage free discussion. Five main topics r^rere discussed and these \^/ere (1) village devel-opment

109

proqrams ì (2) perceptions of the socj-o-economic condition

of the

OCWs

(3) opin.ions regarding

families;

and their

the behaviour of OCWs; (4) the problems reÌating (5)

the

of

contribution

OCWs to

to

OCWst

village

the

more

generally. The Iimited OCWs

time available

meant that only two returned

and a head of household with

OCW

abroad were

still

interviewed in depth for the case study.

Before these

v,/ere conducted, inter-personal-

rel-at ionships

interviews

had to be developed for researcher

felt

that

a period

they

of time until

"accepted"

the

him as their

"friend". It made it easier for the researcher to visit them two or three times and talk on a range of topics, again

without

intrusion

the

important point in the single

of OCW

taking

notes.

The

case study was to probe

the detail-ed reasons for going abroad to work and its impact on their depth

The case study involved both in-

family.

interviews

and

direct

household. Thís case study, information

from intensive

of

observations together

daily

with

interaction

additional with other

households, provided an in-depth picture of a migrant hís/her

household to

enhance the information

from the questionnaire survey.

the

and

obtained

I10

The reseacher t.ook advantage of an extended stay in the

village to talk as much as possible with a range of village residents to get a more in-depth view of the range of opinions about OCWs and of their impact on the economic, social and cultural life of the village. The researcher was able to talk with residents throuqh unplanned meetings in warung (smal-l restaurant) during lunch or dinner, oû the ojek (publicly available motorcyles) and at weddings to which the researcher was invited. Carefully directed observation also was carried out by the researcher during the fieldwork' 3.4 Field Data Editing and Processing A code book was consLructed after the pilot survey was compfeted. This was used to guide the coding of questionnaire information into quantitative dat.a. All written information in the questionnaires was coded and transferred to coding sheets and before this was transferred to the computer, the researcher checked whet.her al1 the information from the questionnaires was coded correctly.

A range of- descriptive statistics were used to analyse cross the data including frequency distributions, tabulation, central tendency and scale measurements.

llt

Chi-square

hras used to

differences significant in

the

between

two

the

associatj-on

variables,

for

remittances,

upon

participation

example,

return,

integration

level-

of

in

economic

social /poÌitical

and socio-economic level of the househol-d.

Before data from the interviews were analysed using St.atistical

Packaqe for

Program, data edl-ting

the

Socj-al Sciences

was carried

consistency between one variable the

or

differences between male and female migrants

use of

actívities

analyse

information

on

coding

out to

t.he

(SPSS)

check the

and another or whether

sheets

v/ere transferred

correctJ-y to the computer.

3.5. Conclusion The survey research design for collecting study

for

the

international

purpose of

examining the

impact of

Iabour migration has been explained in this

chapt.er. Both quantitative ürere collected.

data in this

and qualitative

information

The main element is a survey carried out

using questionnaires,

however. this

was supplemented with

direct observation and in-depth interviews. Respondents v/ere chosen usinq random sampling procedures.

Data from non-migrant househol-ds was used for comparison between the conditlon of households wi-th and without

112

overseas aspirations

contract

workers

and

to

ascertain

their

from working overseas. Such data is required

for a better understanding of the impact of international labour migration at the household level.

Chapter Four INDONESIAì{ INTERNATIONAT I-,ABOUR MIGRJATION

A}I

:

OVERVIEVü

4.L Introduction International

Iabour migration has become an increasingJ-y

important phenomenon and a very significant most Sout.heast Asian countries decades. Much of

the

growth in

durinq

influence in the

international

last

two

Ìabour

migration in the region was sparked by the oil embargo of 1913 and the consequent rapid rise in the price of crude oiI

(Arnold and Shah, I9B6:3; ESCAP Secretariat , I9B6a;

AlreIIa, I99I:4;

Omran and Roudi, 1993:22). This created

a

huge demand for labour in the GuIf Cooperative Countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United of foreign Arab Emirates) where the massive influx exchange was invested in large infrastructure

projects.

However, unl-ike countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh,

Sri Lanka, Thailand, and the Philippines, rndonesia was rel-atively slow to respond to overseas employment possibilities in the Middl-e East and did not enter the market in substantial numbers until the earÌy 1980s (Kelly , I9B'7:'7; Hugo, êt.âI ., I9B1 :I'73; Cremer, 198B) . According to Huqo (I994b) , although the scal-e and impact of international l-abour migration in Indonesia is smal-l-

114

compared to those countries,

is becoming increasingJ-y

'it

not only in the regions whích the labour

significant

leave

migrants

but

in

Indonesia

more

The purpose of this

chapter is to provide an overview of the major patterns and j-ssues of widely'(Hugo,I994b:9). international

Iabour migration in Indonesia. It discusses pattern and scale of Indonesian

changres in the spatial

international present

l-abour migration from col-onial times to the

and shows how the

invol-ved in the field

become increasingly

contract existing

labour.

Indonesian Government has

It

also

studies relating

summarises the

of overseas findings

of

to Indonesian overseas contract

workers.

4.2 Pattern and Scale of Indonesian Labour Migration

4.2.L Indonesia's Colonial period During the Dutch colonial period, Indonesian labour migration to other countries \,,ias limited and mostly under tcontract-coolie' recruitment programmes to provide cheap labour for plantations (Hugo, I980:117). Most of

them \^¡ere brought to the countries under colonia] occupation, such as MaJ-aysia, Surinam, New Caledonia, ThaiIand, Burma, Sabah, Sarawak, Vietnam, and AustraÌia (Hugo, 1990, 1993a). However, ât that time, there were

ll5

al-so sígnifícant

spontaneous movements of Indonesians to

Malaysia (Hugo, 1980).

The first fndonesian immigrants to Surinam arrived in 1890 (South America) under the recruitment programmes initiated to obtain l-abour for plantations (IsmaeI, 1955) . Over the 1890-1939 period there v/ere an average

659 Indonesian immigrants moving to Surinam each year. However since 1891, there v/ere an average of 189

returned

to

Indonesia each year.

Indonesian origin

The population

who

of

in Surinam at the end of 1949 reached

37,598 persons and comprised the third

largest

group in the Surinam population (Table 4.I)

Table 4.1 The Population of Surinam in

Nation/ethnic group Creool (native people) India fndone s ia

Negro Europe

Chinese Others

ethni-c

.

1949

MaIe Femal-e 38 ,'7 94

33, 462

20,024 nd.

r,

4I, I 01

3r,253 r'7 ,514

4r'7

1,738 nd.

nd.

866 951

nd.

TotaI

Total85,501 64 ,'7 15 31 ,598

22, 000

2,283 2, 68g 6,338

22r, 124

Source: IsmaeI, 1955:18 With the Japanese'occupatíon in the 1940s, the

movement

Indonesian workers overseas continued. The workers (mostly from Java) were forced to work (as romusha) on

of

the railway and other construction projects

in ThaiJ-and,

l16

Burma and elsewhere (Hugo, I993a) . The number of these romusha is not known and very few returned to Java (Hugo,

I915: 229). At the 1941 Census, there i^/ere 309,150 Indonesian people in Malaya (Table 4.2) and most of them had come directly from their home villages (Bahrin, 1,961l,

.

Tab1e

4

2 Indonesian People in Census of Malaya t c group Javanese arese Sumatrans Boyanese (Bawean people Bugis Others

Ma1aya Àccording Tot

Ban j

TotaI Source: Bahrin,

)

to

L947

a

189,400 62, 400 26, 300 20, 400 7,000 3,650 309,150

1961 :233

Figure 4.I shows the pattern of Indonesian migration to MaJ-aya. Unfortunately there was no information about whether Indonesian migrants went to Malaya as 'cooliecontract' , romusha or spontaneous migrants. It was possible that they included al-l three types of migrants. However, spontaneous migrants among Baweanr people in Singapore was dominant. As Vredenbregt (I964zII-l) pointed

t A smal-l- island off the coast of East Java

ltl

out it Íias possible that the first who stopped into

Singapore

migrants were pilgrims

on their

way

to Mecca

and

stayed on there working to earn enough money to enable

Figure 4.L Indonesian Migration to Malaya,

L947

LANGKAWI

MALAYA

\ S¡NGAPORE ra nak

{ -,/'-- ¿

Kalimantan Balikpapan

\

Sumatra

Sulawesi

\

o Makagar JAKARTA

ol-¡

emerâ

200

rabaya

a

0

Sumba

Java

Miles

Source: Bahrin,

Bawean

Bal

SumbaS

Timor

L967 =235

them to continue their foll-owed by other

voyage. These first

migrants

v/ere

Bawean people who had maintained

communication with the mì-grants. Most of the migrants r¡rere males and consequentJ-y "the i-sl-and of Bawean has become known as Pul-au h'Ianita (isl-and of women)" (Hugo

]-994lo:35). Male Baweans prefer to work overseas than in

118

agricultural-

work in their

place of origin

(Vredenbregt,

1964:117). "Seeking employment in Singapore or Malaysia has become a norm among young Boyanese men, who do not consider themselves manJ-y without

having attempted to

stay some time abroad" (Spaan, I994:93). Vredenbregt (1964) has shown the growth of Bawean people in Singapore (Table 4.3) from 163 in I849 to 22,161 in 1957. According to Bahrin (I961:233) the 1941 Census of Malaya has shown that Indonesian workers came as contract

workers, mostly as padilrice-cul-tivators

or rubber

and

coconut smal-Iholders (kelapa sawit) and a few as estate Iabourers. Many of them after

finishing

their

settled in Malaya to work, especially on their

contracts own

Table 4.3 The Bawean Population in Singapore, 1849-1957 Tota

Year

r, 634 rl-r 2,6'Ìl

L81 L 1881 1891

2,

1901 1911

2,'7 12

5,086 6,589 9, 4I3 15, 434 22, r61

I92T 1931

r941 r95 t

Source: Vredenbergt, 1964:l-I5 The employers in Malaya paid the cost of

smallholdings. transportation

f

rom the pì-ace of recruitment

to

the

il9

place of employment (Bahrin, I961:231) . Other migrants had to finance their journey or fol-lowed rel-atives who paíd their

fares and provided other help or support.

The

earl-ier miqrants usually accommodated the new arriva-Ls in thei-r homes until- such time as they r^rere able to get job

or

set

up their

ohin smallholdings.

Vredenbergt

(L964:117) has shown that the community feeling Bawean and family

ties

a

of the

with emigrants in Singapore are

factors which stimul-ate further emigration. This ref l-ects the

social

international-

network

approach

which

argues

that

labour migration should increase with the

closeness of the relationship

(Massey, êt â1.,

1993)

Regarding the social network links bet\^/een Indonesia

.

and

MaIaysia, Hugo (1993a:39) has argued "The important point here is that there are long-standing

and strong social networks Iinking Malaysia and Indonesia. The political boundaries separating the two nations are a function of colonisation and separate peopJ-es who share the same culture, l-anguage and reJ-igion. This historical Iinkages and cultural homogeneity have played an j-mportant role in facilitating population movement from Indonesia to Malaysia." 4.2.2 After Independence

post-Independence period, During the Indonesian international l¿bour migration has increased in significance, particularly since the early 1980's. As was pointed out earlier, this was related to the large scale development of infrastructure and industry in Middle

t20

Eastern countries

\^/hich required

massive numbers of

workers. The fl-ow of foreign workers (from other Arab

and

Asian countries)

the

to

the Gulf region began after fields

development of the oil

in the 1950s and 1960s and

the hugre flow of workers began in the I910s when the price of crude oiI increased from l-ess than

international

US$2 per barrel

in I910 to nearly US$40 per barrel- in

1-980 (Omran and Roudi, 1993222).

price gave the newl-y-rich

The increase in the crude oil

GuIf Cooperative Countries (GCC) the opportunity to build basic

infrastructure

However,

the

shortage

countries, provided

a

development (AbeJ-J-a, reasons for this participation

sector

these economic

. There were a number of labour

sector among a large

subsistence

of the workforce,' the existence Iow

for

sinecure

Ievel-s returns

where nationals

literacy

of f

or

of public

many among the and

education,'

labour in the inf

enjoyed a "rent"

199I:7-B) "

to

housing and welfare

The obstacles

also

ormal-

for being in

reserved occupations; state subsidies to agricul-ture; subsidies

force

among the national- population,' a preference

abnormalJ-y high sector

1991 : 6)

in

impediment to

serious

employment as

educated,'

Ìabour

of

which incÌuded a l-ow

for the traditionaÌ proportion

deveJ-op modern services.

and

and

programmes (AbelIa,

rel-ated to

the

small

12l

populations

and consequentJ-y these oil

rich

countries

needed a huge number of workers (professionals,

skill-ed

and technical

a need

manpower and unskitled l-oca

j_ly. In I910, the number of

workers in the six

GCCs was 1.1 mi-l_Iíon and

which could not be met foreign

labour),

increased to over 5.2 mill_ion in 1990, with another 2 million foreign workers in Iraq (Omran and Roudi, 1993:22).

According to Stalker qI994:9), most international migration today is associated with the idea of an international Ìabour market, and that labour surpJ-uses or shortages in some countries are ad;usted by fl_ows to or from other countries. As has been discussed in chapter One, the growinq internationalisation of capital, the qreat improvement in the ease and cost of international travel-, the activities of mul-ti-national- corporat j-ons and reductions in the cost of information concernì-ng foreign opportunities, are all significant factors in the explosion of international l_abour migration. some Asian countries have become important destinations

for labour migrants in recent years and rndonesian l_abour migration to neighbouring countries within Asia is growing in significance. Lim (1991:I-2) has described the increase in intra-Asian movement as follows

122

important "Asia has emerged as an increasíngly East and Southeast Asia, being the most destination. economicaJ-ly dynamic region in the contemporary worl-d, have attracted rapidly growing numbers from outside and within As the Asian countries the continent. themselves experience, on the one hand, significantly different rates and patterns of demographic and growing and, on the other, economic transition interdependence fostered by trade, capital investments, poJ-itical- relations, the operations of transnational corporations, sociaJ- networks, etc. , legal and iIJ-egal intraregional- migration has also escalated".

Successful economic development and demographic changes in

some Asian countrj-es have caused the shortage of

labour and has led them to Iabour surplus countries.

seek foreign

labour from

Hugo (T990:23) argues that the

growing economies have increased the number of educated peopJ-e (school unwilJ-ing to

and

enter

graduates)

university

who are

low-paì-d or

occupations. 'dirty' Japan, Singapore, South

Consequently, in countries like

Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, the average annual- labour force growth rates have declined and wil-l- continue to so in the next few years.

These countries

l-abour shortages, particularly

do

w11l have

for less educated workers.

For example, Table 4.4 shows the projected decrease in average annual countries.

labour

force

growth

For Iabour surplus countries

the employment opportunities

rates like

that are likely

those natiãns cannot be neqlected.

in

Asian

Indonesia,

to arise in

123

As the

NewÌy Industrialised

difficulties

with

(NICs)

Countries

worker shortages,

the

demand for

workers needs to be met from other countries. and Singapore are important destinations overseas workers .

Moreover as

observed, the sharp fertility have

heJ-ped exacerbate

Table 4.4

(1

990 :5 ,20

)

has

the

labour

shortages

has enhanced opportun

and j_t

ies

l-abour migration.

1980-1990

Japan and NICs

0.9 1.6 2.8

Japan

ingapore South Korea S

Southeast Asia ThaiÌand s

ia

Philippines Malaysia South Asia India NepaI Bangladesh

Pakistan

Hugo

,

1990-2000

2000-2010

0.4 0.6 1.8

-0.4

2"4

r.2

.1

0.3 1.1 0.1 0.9

2 "5

2.1 2"8

1.8 2.4 2.8

r.1

J.Z

2

-9

2.6 2.6

?2 2.4 3.5 3.9

2.r

2.0

?tr

Taiwan China

Source:

for Indonesian

Average Annual Labour Force Growth Rates, Asian Countríes, 1980-2010

Country

Indone

Malaysia

decl-ines in those countries

consequent J-y thi s condit ion

for international

Hugo

face

).

2.1 3.6 ??

1.0

??

4.3

1990:22

ia has sent more than one mi l- I i- on documented workers to more than 38 countries between the First Five Year Development Plan (I969-14) and the Fifth Five year rndones

124

Development Plan (1989-94) (Table 4.5,

Fígure 4.2) . Appendix 1 shows that the five main destinations h/ere Saudi Arabia (664,389), MaJ-aysia (205,389), Singapore , USA (23,849) , and the Netherlands (I9,994) . Saudi Arabia is the dominant destination for the fl-ow of Indonesian legal migrant workers,the majority of which \^/ere female (Table 4.5 and Fiqure 4.2) . (64,4401

Table 4.5

Number of Indonesian Overseas llorkers L969/7 4-L993/ 94 by Gender.

Year

Male

FemaIe

TotalOCW

F IVE

Year

Planning Periods

** **

I : 1969-1 4 II : ]-914-19 III: I979-84 IV z I984-89 V :1989-94* r979/80

1980/81 I9BI / 82 T9B2 / 83 r9B3/84 r984 / 8s L98s / 86 1,986 / 81 1981 / 88 I9BB / 89 L989 / 90 1990 / 9r r99L / 92 l-992 / 93

198,735 442, 3r0

**

ii

20,'715 16, 460

25,982 15,

9'7 4

r4,336

2r | 969

36,304

48,B'79 60, 1B 9

42, 62r

J<*

** ze*,\tg 31 ,83'7 42, 31 B

45,118 4'7

,083

62, r05 49, 960 100,903 111,968 rrl ,31 4

31 March ]-994

AKAN

)k

93,521 209, 962

**

*)k nO data

Source: Pusat

,(

*)k

1 OO? /O/1 LJJJ/ ¿A

Note: * up to

*rk

n"d; Hugro I994b

5, 624 ,042 96, 4L0 292,262 652,212 r'7

10, 396 16, 186 T1 , 904 2I, 224 30, 190 41 , 094 \A 291 68, 360 6T, 092 6L, 4r9 84, 014 86, 264 r49, 182 r12 | 157 1q.o 99s

2-5

In general females worked mostly the

ma

j ority

as housemaids, while of males worked as drivers (Adi, _1986;

RDCI4D-YTKf, 1986; Cremer, 19BB; Spaan, I994) .TabIe 4.6

shows 1--he types of occupations of workers processed by Pusat L992. Generally service

during April

female workers worked in

whil-e males worked in

transportation

the

sectors. IE was found

female OCWs in

of

AKAN

Indonesian overseas 1989-january

[he public

agriculture

and

Lhat 92.6 percent

Desa Sukasari worked as domescic

helpers overseas and a further

4.4 percenr_ worked in

child care, whereas most of the (Chapter Seven)

males worked as d.rivers

.

Figure 4.2 The Flow of I-.,egal Indonesian Overseas Workers L979 / 80-L993 / 94 by Gend,er r

80000

Totol

ró0000

ì40000 r q)

.o E f

20000

Femole

100000

z 80000 Mole

ó0000 40000 20000

0

Source: From Table 4.5

126

Migration to Saudi Arabia has long historical-

roots

as

Indonesian Muslims have J-ong migrated to Mecca for the pilgrimage (najj) . As Vredenbregt (1962:92) has shown, Tndonesian interest

in the Hajj is very ol-d. Every Muslim

is obliged to undertake the pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in their

Iifetime,

unless he/she ís prevented from

doing so. Table 4.6

Number of Indonesian Overseas Workers April 1989-January L992 by Gender and Tlpe of

Occupation.

Main Industry

ture, Forestry, Hunting, Fishery Míning and Quarrying Manufacturing Industry EJ-ectricity, Gas and Water Construction Wholesal-e Trade, Retail Trade, Restaurants Transportation, Storage, Communication Financing, Insurance, Real- Estate and Business Services Public Services Agr

2 3 4 6

6 1 B

9

Mal-e

Fema

l-

e

t- Ll

Total-

54,328 1,933 430

r, rr'7

20,044 49r 2, 605

Tot

)

J,

5

42, 054

22

r00,

92r

1aa I LL

238

B1

B9

l

'14,3'72 1, 933

238

226

a

189

171,185

86

42,

0'7 6

4r5 l-'7r,214

496 r94, B41 295,037

Source: Pusat AKAN, n.d

In Dutch colonial- times when the

ree out f l- ow of pilgrims from the Dutch East Indies was to Mecca directly restricted, it was reported that thousands of Javanese annualJ-y made the pilgrimage, usuaJ-J-y organised by a f

t21

pilgrim 1,994: 95 )

(hadji

broker

she¿kh) via

Singapore

(Spaan,

.

While the majority of Indonesian migrant workers going to Saudi Arabia are l-egal, MâJ-aysia is the main destination Indonesian migrant workers (Spaan, I994; for illegal Hugo, I994b) . The illegal

in Malaysia and although they are not

very significant detected

in

fndonesian migrant workers are

any

ic

statistics,

official-

can

be

ascertained that their numbers are much higher than legal workers. Whil-e the Indonesian Government reported that almost a hal-f of

Indonesian workers in

Malaysia are

illegal

other

are

much higher

migrants,

estimates

(Country Report:

Indonesia,

pointed

the number of

out that

migrants is f

1992) .

Li-m (1991:15)

officially

has

sanctioned

small in rel-ation to those who have left

ndonesia illegaJ-J-y. At the end of \99I, according to the

Vice Prime Minister 300,000 illegal

of MaIaysia, there were more than

migrants

in

Malaysia

from Indonesia

(Tempo, 11 January 1992) . But the Secretary General- of

the MaJ-aysian Labour Union Congress stated number of

Indonesian iIlegal

mill-ion people (Tenpo, II

migrants

that

the

had reached

January 1992) . Setyono

a

(1992)

estimated that the total- number of fndonesian workers in Malaysia ranged from 300, 000 to 1,000, 000 workers.

l2r{

Meanwhile, as Hugo (1993a) observed, the number of legal, migrrants working in Malaysia and Singapore increased in

the early l-980s and especialJ-y in t.he eatrly 1990s. In L919/80 Lhere were only 120 Indonesian overseas workers registered officially for work in Malaysia and Singapore, and this number increased to 51,638 in L99L/92. By L992/93 the number of Indonesian overseas workers in Malaysia and Singapore processed by the Indonesian Ministry of Manpower had reached 62,535 (Hugo, L994b:10). The increase in Indonesian legal workers Lo Malaysia is t.he result of the efforts of t.he Malaysian and Indonesian qovernments to regularise the flow of workers (Hugo, L993a:42). For example, the effort to reqularise the flow of workers to Malaysia in 1992 resulted in about 200,000 Indonesian illegal workers registerinq with the Malaysian Immigration Office and hence they became legal workers (Tempo, LI April 1992; Kompas, 3 September 1992; Setyono, L992)

.

If the effort of the Malaysian Government to give work permits (3 years) to illegal migrants who registered with the Malaysian Immigrati-on Office and Indonesian Embassy in Malaysia before 30 June 1,992 is successful, Lhe number of illegal migrants should decl-ine. However, Huqro (1993a:63) suggested that "not all (or even most) illegal Indonesian labour migrants in Malaysia have taken

t29

of

advantage

the

understandable because

I991--L992 initiatives " . It as Hugto (1993 a:63-64) argued

is

is much quicker if one moves The migration itself in delays bureaucratic the since illegally are applications worker processing miqrant considerable at the Indonesian end. The illegal channels of movement and the cal-o that the movement are often well established, facilitate well known and trusted. . It. can be cheaper movinq i11egally and there are informal arrangements in place to allow the migrants to "work off" their migration expenses in Malaysia. exercise it was only allowed . In the registration for workers to be given working permits in secr-ors where Lhere was perceived labour shortage construction, plantations and domestic service. rn manufacturing, judqements were Lo be made on ca case by case basis. Hence there would have been no incentive for illegal migrants to register if they were working in sectors other than those designated as labour shortage sectors. For example, there was considerable concern expressed by the larg'e number of Indonesian sj-dewalk vendors in Kuala Lumpur and other Malaysian cities who took their case to the Indonesian Minister of Labour (Kompas, 3 July, 9 July 1992) , They explained t.hat since they were self-employed, they did not have an employer who could vouch for them and pay the foreiqn workers I ^--revy.

4

il

3 Indonesian Goverr¡¡rent Policy on Sending of

Workers

Overseas

As mentioned earlier, Indonesia is a laLecomer to t.he international- labour market. In the Broad Outline of the Nation's Direction (GBHN) it has been stated that the sending of workers overseas is an export of services to decrease unemployment and obtain foreign exchange (devisa) . Moreover, Lhe GBHN has stressed the need to

130

use of sending Indonesian manpower to countries which need workers and the necessity of protecting them in their overseas work places. The polícy, which is the basis for the program for supplying Indonesian workers to other countries which was formufated in REPELITA V (The Fith Five-year Development Plan) was as follows (Soeramsihono, 1992:3-4) make efficient

:

(a) To raise the activities of di st r i-but i on and make within the manpower the country and to use of efficj-ent other countries; (b) To increase the quality of workers who will be sent to other countries, especl-alIy relating to their skilland workers ' security,' (c) Always to motivate the LSM (non-government that supply OCWs to increase skill levels organisations) workers' monitor and to seek employment security, to and opportunities in overseas labour marketsi (d) To send Indonesian workers to other countries they have to pay attention to the dignity, human values, good reputation of the nation and country and the domestic needs of the workers; (e) In REPELITA V, 500, 000 skill-ed workers are planned to be sent to other countries; (f) co I

For expanding employment opportunit ies, a fund Iect ion system wi I l- be tr j-ed by col- lect ing money from

OCWs.

This proqram is countinued in REPELITA VI (The Sj-xth Five-year Development Pl-an) where it is planned to send 1-,250,000 -workers to other countries, especially skilled workers. The responsibifity for the impJ-ementation of that policy lies with the Center for Overseas Employment (Pusat AKAN) in the Indonesian Manpower Department. At

l3l

the provincial

J-evel, the Regional Centre for Overseas

Employment (Balai AKAN) takes the responsibility.

Pusat AKAN has

stated

the

objectives

of

overseas

employment as follows (Pusat AKAN, n.d): expans i- on

of employment opportunities;

increase of workers income;

increase of foreign exchanqe revenue,' closer rel-ationships among countries and nations. For achieving those objectives,

Pusat

AKAN

has targets to

send the greatest possib,le number of Indonesian workers abroad and to ensure the highest quality order

to

meet the

demand for

agencies and individuals

of workers in

workers by companies,

for a certain

period of time

based upon a work aqreement.

4.4 Implementation of the Overseas Worker In the ímplementation of this

Program

Overseas Worker program,

the Indonesian Government stil-1 faces many dif ficul-ties. In

particul-ar

surrounding migration.

two f

issues

are

emal-e migrat ion

prominent and

-

i J- legal-

those tabour

Every day during the month of JuJ-y 1992,

when

the fieldwork for this study commenced, the mass media Indonesia in

\^¡as

MaIaysia,

busy reporting about fndonesian especialJ-y those

OCWs

who entered

to

j-n

and

Malaysia

r32

iJ-legaIly.

Since 1 Juty

crackdown on illegal foreign register

I992,

immiqrants,

workers who missed the and

empJ-oyment. It

Malaysia has begun

legalise

their

mainly

the

iIlegal-

June 30 deadline stay

for

a

to

temporary

was estimated that about 100,000 j-tlegal

migrants had missed the chance to

register

and were

hiding for fear of being caught (Sinar Pagi, 3, 28 Juty 1992) . Mal-aysia had given a time for illegal

register

and legalise their

stay for temporary employment

sínce 1 November 1991. During that illegals

had registered

migrants to

time about 320,000

themsel-ves. Most of the illegaj-

migrants in Malaysia are from Indonesia (Srnar Paqi,

3,

28 July 1992; Berita Buana, 16, 29 July 1992,).

The Indonesian government has instìtuted regul-ations which attempt to make it easier for Indonesian workers who go overseas for work, such as access to cheaper airpJ-ane tickets than for the generaJ- pubJ-ic and freedom from paying fiscat changes2 (Pelita, B August 1988). The Indonesian government has stressed that in the overseas workers program, the workers (OCWs) are not objects that can be sold or bought as commodities (see f or exampJ-e, the Head o f Pusat AKAN, in Kompas , L9 October 1992) . However, the facts show that OCWs are t By reguJ-ation, each Indonesian person who goes overseas should pay fiscal charges to the amount of Rp 250.000.

133

becoming a source of income to many peopJ-e, including l-abour suppliers.

The business of recruitment and sending

workers abroad has been gtrowing, whiJ-e the government not yet been abl-e to deal effectively

wlth problems of

of workers. Benefits are certainly

exploitation to recruiters,

has

accruing

senders and employers but they are not

aJ-ways enjoyed by the workers themselves. Accordingly,

the Head of Pusat AKAN (Berita Yudha, 2J Jul_y 1992) said that Indonesian Labour Suppliers

has

) shoul-d take the weJ-lbeing of workers into account and plan for the (PPTKI

long term, not focusinq on short term benefits only. The implementation of the overseas employment program in Indonesia is still

not well organised. The Head of the

Overseas Employment (the Chairman of

Center for

Workforce) has stated that

Inter-country

there have been some significant Indonesian 19921

.

OCWs

The Indonesian

consequentJ-y,

in sending

difficulties

to other countries

the

(Kompas, 11 September

Manpower Supplier

Association

(IMSA) came int.o being to assist the government in coordinating

the Indonesian Labour Suppliers

(PPTKI) in

carryíng out the program of overseas employment However, in reality in

fndonesia)

there

(AKAN)

.

(based on reports in the mass media are

conflicts

concerned

with

fj-nancial matters (see for an example, Ekonomi Indonesia, 23 JuIy

1992) .

Furthermore, the fourth

IMSA Congress

134

ke-4 IMSA) in November 1992 (Kompas, 1B February 1993 ) warned against the uncertainties of util-ising funds in the IMSA. (Musyawarah Besar

The human exploitation

of Indonesian overseas contract

workers has been reported by the mass media in Indonesia, especiall-y the exploitation in Saudi Arabia.

of female housemaids who work

Reports and stories

and unsuccessful experi-ences (including employers and agents for overseas exploitatj-on

about successful violence by the

empJ-oyment/middJ-emen,

from other members of the society both

the country of employment and in Indonesia) highlight

j-n

the

pros and cons of sending Indonesian women as domestic help. origin

The expJ-oitation of

OCWs

begins in the place of

and continues in the country of employment

and

after they have returned again to Indonesia. Before departure, some exploitation the middlemen, agents for and the so-called

"

of workers comes from

overseas employment

(PPTKI ) ,

oknl)m" (a government of f icial-

who

abuse his authority) . Middlemen have an important rol-e in

recruiting

candidates for

overseas contract

jobs.

candidates have to pay3 what the middleman asks if want a chance to

work in

another country.

The

they

Moreover,

Regulation 'According to the requJ-ations (MlnisterialNO:PER-01/MEN/I99I) the recruiter j-s prohibited to charge a fee from candidates of overseas workers. But the new requlatj-on (Ministerial- Regrulation NO:PER-02/MEN/I994) give a right to the recruiter to charge the fee.

135

although the candidate has paid,

it

is generally not

guarantee for obtaining work overseas. The following

a

news

items il-l-ustrate this. 168 Indonesian workers (male and female) from villaqes in Kendal Regency, Centraf Java, b/ere stopped by police when they uiere going to Malaysia as illegal migrant workers. Generally they paid Rp 350,000/person to go to Malaysia (Pikiran Rakyat, 1 JuIy 1992). 24 Indonesian workers who were sent by PPTKI, were negJ-ected with poor condit.ions in Batam. Vrlhereas they had paid Rp 750,000/person (Jayakarta, 4 July 1992)

.

32 Indonesian's OCW from Cilacap were neglected by PPTKI with poor conditions. They can not enter Malaysia because they do not have formal- domuments (Jayakarta, 24 July L992; Merdeka, 24 JuJ-y 1992) .

48 Indonesian's OCW from Lombok, were arrested in Bali before they entered Malaysia illegalJ-y (Pikiran Rakyat, 24 JuIy 1992) .

. Departure of I12 illegal fndonesian workers from Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, with the destination of Malaysia, r^/ere stopped by the police of West Lombok. They had paid 350-400 thousands rupiah and borrowed that money from their families (Kompas, 2I ApriJ1993)

.

Although the policy of the Indonesian Government was for empJ-oyers ín other countries

and transportation

costs to thej-r countries,

Indonesia generally stillto the recruiter.

to pay the recruiting

fee

workers in

have to pay an amount of

money

As explained in a previous chapter,

mal-es have to pay more than females, whiJ-e f or

PPTKI

(Indonesian Labour Suppliers) there are more benefits for sending female workers.

136

PPTKI have concerning

known to

been

OCWs

manipulate

information

in order to make it possible for them to (30 March 19BB) has reported a story from the outskirts of Cian jur. She was

go overseas. Pelita of a femal-e

OCW

onl-y 19 years oÌd when she went to Saudi Arabia. After she finished high school she tried to find work, but no one woul-d give her a job. Meanwhil-e her parents were aged already and so she had a responsibility parents.

to help her

She decided to work in Saudi Arabia, although

her parents and her brother and sister ActualJ-y she \^ras not eligible

did not agree.

to work overseas by the

regulation, that insists that such workers must be marr j-ed. After discussion with the labour suppJ- ier (PPTKI) where she appJ-ied, she received a letter stating "widower status because her husband is dead" from her viIJ-age head. Finally fortunately

she went to

Saudi Arabia

and

she had a kind employer and was abl-e to send

money to her parents.

In the host country,

the exploitation

especialJ-y,

come from the empJ-oyers of househol-d servants.

has

As

an

example, Sinar Pagí (9 March 1985) reported the case of femal-e

OCW

whose life

a

working hard in Saudi Arabia as a housemaid, v¡as made unbearable. She ate only once a day

at 15.00 p.m focal

time/

the food was only bread

chicken meat, she worked hard from dawn and had to up and down the three floors of the house.

and move

137

This issue is frequently reported upon by the mass media in Indonesia. In the Jakarta Post (6 JuIy 1992) for example, it ,^ras reported that thousands o f f emal_e Indonesian

workers

inhumanely by their

the Ministry

in

Saudi

Arabia

\^/ere treated

employers. The Indonesian Embassy

and

of Manpower which provide recommmendations

to overseas workers could not do much about solving the situation. But the following day (B JuJ_y 1992) Suara Karya reported that

the MinisLer of Manpower,

Batubara, had said that Citra treated report

Televisi

the report

Cosmas

by RCTI (Rajawali

Indonesia) of the two TKW who had

inhumanely, was biased and RCTI had to the stories

of success ful- migrants . On 11

been

also JuJ-y

1992 Pikiran

Rakyat reported an unpleasant story of female OCW who had worked in Saudi Arabia. previousJ_y

a

(4

July 19921 Tempo had reported the story of an Indonesian housemaid in Singapore who was tortured

The employer felt

that

by her

empJ-oyer.

she had bought the housemaid

so

she could do anything she wanted.

In Saudi Arabia these incidents are common because, âs Paulus Wirutomo (Director of Penelitian, Pengembangan dan Dokumentasi YTKI) has argued, housemaids have difficulty

getting out from their empJ-oyer's house which generally has a high fence. Meanwhile the housemaids generally do not know the address of the Office of the Indonesian

r38

Embassy in Saudi Arabia and consequentJ-y not all

\^/ant to escape from their

OCWs who

employers can make their v/ay to

the Indonesian Embassy (Suara Karya, 20 March 1990). According to the Indonesian Ministry

of Manpower (Suara

Karya, I6 February 1988), based on information Indonesian Embassy in

Saudi Arabia,

of

from the

the

59,362

Indones ian f ema]e OCWs who r^rere sent in the year I9B'Ì

there viere 600 (abount 1 percent) who were exposed

,

as

negative cases and the rest were shown to be successful-. Since then most of the negative cases had been deal-t with.

According to

Office

the Head of

the Jakarta

RegionaJ-

of the Manpower Department, from 2,612 return

Indonesian

OCWs

who were served by the Accompanying and

Pick Up Service Unit (Unit Jasa Pelayanan Pengantaran dan Pen jemputan TKI ) , there \^/ere onl-y nlne so-called 'indecent' cases , 56 work contract infractions and 536 in unbearable situations, while most went home because they had finished 1986)

work contract

theír

(Merdeka, 24

November

.

There f ore,

countries, them did percent

durì-ng the

t ime

OCWs worked

some experienced difficulties,

not. said

In the case of they

overseas . TabIe

4

.l

in

other

while most of

Sukasari's

OCWs

had had probJ-ems while shows those di f f icuJ-t ies,

,

63.3

working

with the

139

four most common difficulties Ianguage dif f iculties

faced by the

OCWs

being:

, f amiJ-y separation (28 .Ieo) | a f ierce employer (26.3e") and work overl-oad (23.I2) . The (52.6%)

in their

differences had different

experiences overseas meant the

OCWs

perceptions about workinq overseas.

Table 4 .7 : The Problems Encountered By Sukasari's Kind of Difficulty

OC!{s

o

'6

Communicating with their employer Separation from their famil-y A fierce employer Work overload

52 .6

28.r

26 .3

23.L

Food

Weather

5.1 13.2

An empÌoyer who did not pay their wage Prohibition from going out of the house Other

Note:

n

1r.3

3.8

tr?

Source: FieId Data, I992

V{hen OCWs return fnternational

Airport,

"oknL)m" on their

the airport,

their

Indonesia,

the

Soekarno-Hatta

As the Indonesian Minister

of

reports were made about cases where

arrival,

hrere robbed of their

goods at

or the goods they brought back r¡/ere not

released from the airport to

at

they are sometimes confronted by

arrival.

Manpower has said, OCWs, upon

to

Head of

the

storehouse. Moreover, according Regional, Office

of

Department, Jakarta the fiel-d employees of the

Manpower Manpower

140

Department have been threatened by the

"

oknt)m" in the

Iine of duty (Merdeka, 24 November 1986) .

4.5 Studies of Indonesian International Labour Migration There has been growing interest

in international-

worker

movement issues in Indonesia since the 1980s, as a resul-t

of an increase in the vol-ume of Indonesian workers going abroad. Emerging issues concerning these groups have received much attention

in the Indonesian mass media (for

examples see ner^/spapers in the section of references), and seminarso have been recently conducted especially to discuss the policy of government, probJ-ems and conditions of overseas contract exploitation

of

domestic violence, hours,

workers, workers' protection,

workers

especially

the

women, such

as

sexual- abuse, extremely ì-ong working

unpaid workers,

etc.

(not

only

by

emp

j_oyers

abroad, but also by agents and middl-emen in Indonesia) Consequently, there are a variety

of popular assessments

about the program of sending fndonesian workers overseas. In col-onial times, Indonesian emigration was on a very small- scale and the impact in most parts of Indonesia o

\^ras

For examples Seminar Sehari ,Sumbangsih perguruan Tinggi daJ-am Pengenbang:an Sumber Daya Manusia mel_al,ui OptinaJisasj Mutu Tenaga Kerja Wanita Indonesia ke Saudr Arabia, UNPAD, Bandung 1B November 1992 and Seminar Nasr-onaL tlanita II, Bogor, 5-6 Agustus I992.

t4r

smal-I also. They moved out of Indonesia mostly contract-coolie recruitment programmes to provide Iabour for plantations, while oLhers moved spontaneously (Hugo, I980:117) Aware of

know more about

government to

Indonesian

workers,

r

cheap

out

.

abroad because of

opportunities Indonesian

need to

the

unde

the

increase

employment

effort the

of

the

export

of

RDCMD-YTKI (Research

and

Documentation Centre for Manpower and DeveJ-opment - YTKI)

conducted a study (March-October I986) of the prospects in

the labour market in

Saudi Arabi-a for

Indonesian

workers (RDCMD-YTKI, 1986). The purpose of that study

was

the prospects of employment opportunities

in

to identify

the Saudi Arabian l-abour market in the near future describe

the

problems/obstacles

associated

with

and

the

procedures and mechanisms of recruitment and sending of workers. Data were gathered from interviews representatives

of various

institutes

with

the

or organisations

related to the study, both in Indonesia and the Middle East (especially

Saudi Arabia) and prospective workers.

The anaJ-ysis also used data from 400 files

of Indonesian

workers who rôrere sent to the Middle East in the fiscalyear 1985/L986. According to RDCMD-YTKI (1986) the for

semi-skil-Ied

foreign

demand

workers in Saudi Arabia wil-l

t42

increase

whil-e unskill-ed

servants, will- still

labour/

especially

domestic

be required.

Several aspects of Indonesian workers in the Middle East countries and the impact on the socio-economic welÌ-being of the migrant workers and their

families

have been

examined, by Pusat Penel-itian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Gadjah Mada University,

(1986). These studies

1986) and Adi

prlmariJ-y based on field

were

surveys in I1 regencies having

100 overseas contract workers or more (Adi, 1986) in the West Java Province, Central Java Province, and the Special

District

of

Yogyakarta

Kependudukan Universitas

(pusat

penelitian

Gadjah Mada, 19B6) .

These

studies provided... . An overal-l picture Workers going to

of Indonesian Overseas Contract the

Middle East as the

main

destination,' . The consequences of working overseas for migrants and their

families;

. The process of Indonesian workers consignment. t.o

t.he

Middle East. More

specific

studies

by

The

Rural

DeveJ_opment

Foundation, Malang (1992) and from West Java by Supangat (1992) have studied the causes and consequences of vúomen

r43

from East Java working as domestic helpers Arabia. women

Supangat

(1992

) conducted a

f

in

Saudi

iel-d study

among

from West Java who worked ín Saudi Arabia, in order

to establish

the factors

that

motivated them to work

there. The Rural- Devel-opment Foundation (1992) thoroughly analysed the

issue

of

protection,

workers'

and the

process and mechanism of recruitment of femafe domestic heJ-pers from East Java. Relating to women's Hugo (I992a)

has examined the

movement,

changing level-s

patterns of Indonesian female migration,

and

particularJ-y to

ot.her countries. The Indonesian Manpower Development and Research Centre (Pusat

Penelitian

Pengembangan Tenaga

dan

Kerja

Departemen Tenaga Kerja,

I99I) , using data from interviews wÍth returned femal-e overseas contract workers

and the heads of government and private

institutions

that

are linked to the flow of remittances, has indicated the mechanism for sending remittances and suggested a method

for

increasíng

the

utilisation

remittances.

of

Hugo

(1993a) has al-so attempted to synthese the nature/ causes

and consequences of between Indonesía

the and

important issues relating

patterns Malaysia.

of

Iabour

movement

He discusses

to maximizing benefits

the

to all

of the peopJ-e invol-ved and minimizrng costs and negative effects

of the movement. The migratì-on of workers from

144

Indonesia to Malaysia is not a recent phenomenon, and in this

f Iow,

the middl-emen have an important rol-e.

(L994) particul-arly

Spaan

discussed the role of middlemen

brokers in stimulating

and

the movement of people from Java

to overseas destinations. Singhanetra-Renard (1984), Juridico

(1986), Kelly (1987),

Marius (I981), and Hugo (1993d, I994b) have analysed the Indonesian overseas contract workers in terms of broader issues using secondary data. Singhanetra-Renard discusses policy

development relating

contract

workers

identified

a

list

since

to

I916.

Tndonesian overseas

policy

of

(1986)

Juridico

al-ternatives

has

which

policymakers may wish to look into for the improvement of Indonesia's

overseas employment programme . KeIly

examined the contribution

(1

987

)

of overseas employment to the

domestic economy in terms of: the reduction of under- or unemployment, increases

in

homeward remittance

earnings,

distribution

of

foreign

exchange through effeccs

(which can be either positive

and upgrading

of

average skill-

on

income

or negative),

l-eve1s through

the

experíence gained abroad by returninq

migrants " Marius (1987) examined the Indonesian experience and potential

in

the

areas of

addressed the

remittances

question

of

and reintegration.

how to

generate

He

optimal

benefits from remittances in the form of foreign exchange

145

and persona-l savings for limiting

related

the nationa.l_ economy, while

costs due to

reintegration

problems.

Hugo reviewed trends in rndonesian labour migration and pointed out that "the increasíng outfl-ow of Indonesian

workers to overseas is part of globalisation are 1

impinging

upon Indonesia

993d:1,22) . He observed that

knowl-edge about

the

in

trends which

many ways"

there is still patterns,

scafe,

(Hugo,

a Iack of causes

and

consequences of this phenomenon which can be used in the deveJ-opment of

policy

minimise the costs of migration.

to

maximise the advantages

rndonesian international-

impact of

in infl-uencing rndonesian

contract worker migration and exprored the international

famiJ-y well-being functioning

l-abour

Moreover, Hugo (1994b) pointed out that the

famiry has an important role international

and

contract

and shifts

in

worker movement upon famity

structure

and

in Indonesia.

A study by Spaan (1992) examined the types of and changes in migration patterns in rel-ation to the process of socio-economic transformation in East Java. He examined three rural- communities in East Java with different socio-economic characterístics and l-evels of devel-opment in rel-ation to circulation, both j-nternational and national. AdditionaJ-ly, Cremer (1988) examined the Indonesian overseas employment program in terms of

t46

increasing overseas employment of Indonesj-ans. fietd

research Adi (1987a) has identified

related

to

employment of

returned

Based

on

the problems

Indonesian

overseas

contract workers. (1990), Bethan (1993) and Kelana (1993)

Tobing et al.

have published books on Indonesian

positive (1

in Saudi Arabia.

(1990) painted a negative picture of female

Tobing et aI. OCWs, in

OCWs

contrast picture

Kelana (1993) who presented

to

the

migrants

experience.

Bethan

993) described the happi-ness and sadness of

female

housemaids in

of

a

Saudi Arabia,

overseas and the deceitful

their

motivation

to work

practices of calo (middl-emen),

agents for overseas employment (PPTKI) and 'oknum' empJ-oyees in situations Other

female

sending

workers

overseas

which led to the expì-oitation of female

studies

of

Indonesian

migrants

destinations

incl-ude those of Guinness

and Doral-l

and Paramasivam (1992) .

AKAN

i-n

(1990 ) ,

to

OCWs

overseas

Adi (I992)

Guinness (1990)

examined the presence and empJ-oyment of Indonesians in

the southern area of Johor (MaIaysia) and the responses of

the Mal-aysian qovernment and the pubJ-ic to

phenomenon. Adi

(1992

)

expJ-ained the

process

this of

Indonesian movement to Austral-ia and some characLeriscics of the miqrants. Doral-l- and Paramasivam (1992) presented

147

research findings on illegal Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia, focusing special attention on female

migrants. They considered the causes of, mechanisms, processes of entering Malaysia illegally.

and

4.6 Conclusion The increase

of

Indonesian

l-abour

flows

overseas,

especiaJ-Iy migrant flows through legal channels, was

one

of the consequences of Indonesian government policies

to

increase the number of workers groing overseas. AJ-though Tndonesian workers go to many countries, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia are the two countries where most go to work. These two countries both have labour shortages and need

foreign workers, and there are long historical_ between those countries

and Indonesia.

These linkages

have played an important role in facilitating movement from fndonesia to (Hugo

,

79

93a:39)

Iinkages popul-ation

Saudi Arabia and

MaJ_aysj_a

.

The impact of international lqbour migration on Indonesia

at the individual, househol_d, community and nation level can not be clearly determined from any of the studies above. The present study attempts to overcome this shortcoming in the existing literature.

ChapÈer Fiwe

THE CONTEXT OF POPUI,ATION MOVEMENT:

THE STUDY AREA

5.1 Introduction It has been recognised that examination of the context in which population movement occurs is a necessary part of anal-ysing the causes and consequences of that movement (Hugo , I91B; Forbes , I98I; Bedf ord, 1981,' Findley, 1987 ) Hugro (1978:41) in his study of population mobility in West Java, has argued that "the patterns of movement and their causes cannot be understood without a background knowledge of the basic features of the West Java people and the environment (social-, demographic and economic, âs weII as physical) in which they Iive". Forbes (1981:69) in his Indonesian study has also argued that population mobílity is "a reflection of the structure and processes within Indonesian society". To understand how rural deveJ-opment poJ-lcy af fects migration decisions, Findley (1987:4) maintains that. "one must consider specifica1ly the types of peopl-e in the community and the community characteristics or setting itseJ-f, as well- as the types of governmental interventions". .

r/o

In

to

order

take

account of

full

considerations,

contextual

these

presents

chapter

this

important a

discussion of the changing demographic and socio-economic in the Province of West Java, shown in the last

situatíon

overseas labour

chapter to be the main source of official migrants in Indonesia. In addition detail- the situation Cianjur, this

it

analyses in

of Sukasari viJ-J-age in

West Java, in which the detailed

thesis

This

\^ias undertaken,

examination of the causes of outmigration

Kabupaten

fieldwork

leads

some

onto

for an

of OCWs from

Desa Sukasari and the processes which are shaping that movement. In this

migration

chapter the analysis of the context of

in Desa Sukasari is hampered by the lack of relating

demographic and socio-economic information the village.

Like other village

offices

in

to

Kabupaten

Cianjur, data concerninq the population and its potential are not well recorded and lack compJ-eteness and accuracy. sources has been Accordingly, data from these official used very

carefully

supplemented with

in

this

from the

data

Census and the VíIlage

study and it

National- PopuJ-ation

Population Registration

L99I, whj-ch \^/as collected Indonesia on June 9, 1992.

has been of

for the general election

May

of

150

5.2 The Physical Setting

The actual location of Desa Sukasari within Kabupaten Cianjur, [Jest Java has been shown in Chapter Three (see Figure 3.10) . West Java has a tropical cl-imate with a hiqh rai-nfall of more than 2, 968 mm per year. It. has fertil-e soil for agriculture in a wide pJ-ain in the north, a mountainous area in the cenlre and hilly and narror¡i seashore areas in the south. Figure 5.1 shows that it is traversed by five large rivers (Citarum, Cisadane, Cimanuk, Citanduy and Ciujung) on which a number of dams have been deveJ-oped by government to assj-sted in irrigated agriculture (Nurdin, 1986) . Twenty two percent of the land is used for wet-rice cultivation, 13 percent for plantation/estate and 22 percent is forest (Nurdin, 1986) . Hence the West Java region is highly suited for agriculture and important in the agricultural development of Indonesia " However, because of the development of housing, industries and the expansion of qovernment and commercial buíJ-dings, the extent of agriculturaÌ area has declined, with the wet-rice areas for example, decreasing from 21.3 percent in 1983 to 22.0 percent in 1986 and 20.2 percent ín 1989 (SaefuÌIah, 7992) .

l5l

Figure 5.1:

West Jawa: Physical Situation

SUMAIM

o

o

o

/o a/

6 ê

a CENML

tr

r

JAVA

50 500

Okm.æQæmlm

-¿/

Source: Hugo, L978 The physical- structure

and climate of West Java varies

considerably from one reqion to another. AJ_though as whol-e West Java has a high rainfall,

areas receiving

more rainfall

a

with the highland

than the lowland areas.

Duringr the dry season only the hì-ghland areas receive sufficient

rainfall

to ensure that the soil remains moist

for most of the season (Hugo, 1915:35). The high rainfatl in the wet season however/ causes problems in the coastal_ areas, ì-ncluding the agricultural of the rivers " The quality

areas, due to f J_ooding

of the soils

for agricultural

t52

activities

differ in each region because "Lhe northern and southern volcanic zones vary with the acidity of the (Hugo, I915:36) . Moreover, the volcaníc ejecta" differences in ecological conditions within West Java have resulted in wide variations in the abilì-ty of each region to support its inhabitants. Sukasari ViJ-lage is located in the high rainfall area, in the northern part of Kabupaten Cianjur 3.10). This is a fertil-e

highland (Figure

area with trees and other plants

growing rapidJ-y (f or example see Plat.e

5.

1) .

idith

an

area of 5.21 km2, elghty two percent of the land is used for agrícul-tural- activities

and ten percent for housing

(Desa Sukasari, 1992) . Sukasari Village

consists of five

sub-vi1J-ages (dusun) : Cil-aku, CiIaku Hil-ir, Cijati

and Palasari

Gegerbitunq,

(Figure 5.2) . Unfortunately,

there is

no data regarding the size of each dusun.

Figure 5.3 shows the transportation network of West Java. Sukasari is 9 km from Cianjur City, the capital- city of Kabupaten Cianjur, 69 km from Bandung, the capital city of West Java Province and 131 km from Jakarta't Cianjur City is l-ocated on the main roads J-inking Bandung-Bogor-

trn 1990, the population of Cianjur City, Bandunq and 14 ,'7 0r , 2,056, gr5 and Jakarta were 9,222,5r5 respectiveJ-y.

153

and

Jakarta

Bandung-sukabumi, and

transit

significant

point

for

is

vehicl-es

becoming that

a

go to

Bandung, Sukabumi, Bogor or Jakarta. The road transport situation

in West Java has improved dramãtical-ly over the

decade (Saefull-ah,

l-ast

The improvement in

easier

no\^r makes - -it.

transportation circulate

1992).

for

people

to

(and in some cases, commute) from Sukasari to,

for example, Sukabumi, Bogor, Bandung or Jakarta. This condition, moreover, is very important for prospective overseas migrant workers in Sukasari who need to obtain

\ ot

a

a-?

I

; - ,i4_'r:,.,hir,,i/ ., "f'l)\. ' '"l "'l; tl t. , /,

l¡ I'i

i

/t



I

I

Plate 5.1 À Wet rice fietd in Sukasari: green fertile

and

154

information and apply for overseas work, since Pusat AKAN and most overseas aqents are located in Jakarta. It is a sustained crj-ticism of the Indonesian Department of Manpowerts Overseas Worker Program that obtaining permission to go overseas is a long drawn out process involvíng vÍsits to a large number of government offices (Hugo, I993a:45, 63, 1993b:116; Spaan, 1994:109).

Figure 5.2= Sukasari Village n

\

main road

r --.¡4

DESA SIRNAGALIH

I

vlllage road railway

-.-village

\-\/

(.

,

o

boundary

I

san

eub-village boundary

O

z'l

-

village oflice tiver

I

I

\ ,

I

/

('

,

\

)

I

\. ,

I DESA CIEUNDEUR

/

I

/

I

\'ì

I

o É. o = a) t¡J o

I

I

I

I

i

.-.-.-.\

,a

Gegerbitung

I

a

\ \¡__

tt

I

'l i

J¿ ,

ci

')/ t'-'a,..-1'-'-1-'..

)

I

\

I

-

Gilaku Hilir

t

, I

') DESA PEUTEUYCONDONG

I I

I I

(

\

tl' t J /o metres 3oo

600

155

Figure 5 .3 : Transportation Networks, vilest ilava SPECIAL TERRITORY OF GREATER JAIqRTA

JAVA SEA

g'"sÞl Pande

..--

ngo

rawang ramayu

sbitung

a

Bogo

c u

ubang

P urwakarta

uf

Sumeda

lrebon

ajal A

Bandu

Ku

( Cia mis

^

ikmal aya

INDIAN OCEAN

-.a

Provinclal boUndary main road railway mounlaln 25O0+

Source: Hardjono and HilI,

O kms

L989:254

100

t

156

5

.3 The Prowince of glest

5 .3 . 1

Jawa

Population Growt,h and Distribution

West Java is the most populous province in Indonesia with

a total

population of 35.4 mil-lion in 1990. During the

1980s it

surpassed East Java as the largest province in Indonesia. In the 1970s East Java gre\^/ at a much sl-ower rate (1.5 percent per annum) than West Java (2.1 percent per annum). While in the 1980s the popul_ation growth rate in East Java decreased to 1.1 percent whil_e West Java's remained steady (2.6 percent) (Table 5.1 and Figure 5.4). The Total FertiJ-ity reached 5.1,

Rate in West Java during I916-I9i9

making it

the

highest

among the

Java

provinces and above the national average of 4.9 (Nurdin, 1986:36)" Although by 199I t.he TotaI Fertifity this

Rate in

region had decreased to 3.6, but remained higher

than other Java provinces and above the national- average of 3.1 (Singarimbun, I991:15). The high growth rate of Vùest Java's population however 1s not only because of relativeJ-y high fertility, (1993b: a0) points

urban development.

it

out , of the

is al_so becauser âs 'overspill'

Hugo

of Jakarta's

r57

Tab1e

5

1: Population DistribuÈion and GrowE.h Rate of Indonesia,L9Tl to 1990.

Province

Growth

Number

(000)

I

1980

1990

D.I Aceh North Sumatera

2009

26IT

34t6

6622

8361

10256

West Sumatera

27 93

340'7

Riau

r642

I97

0l02 03 04

05 Jambi 06 South Sumatera 07 BengkuÌu 08 Lampung 09 DKI Jakarta 10 West Java 11 Central Java L2 D. I Yogyakarta 13 East Java 14 BaIi 15 West Nusa Tenggara 16 East Nusa Tengarra 17 East Timor 18 Í'Iest Kal-imantan 19 Central Kalimantan 20 South Kal-imantan 21 East Kal-imantan 22 North Sul-awesi 23 Central Sul-awesi 24 South Sulawesi 25 Southeast Sul-awesi 2 6 Ma.l-uku 2'7 Irian Jaya

TotaI

1

97

1-

(

%per

1

980

Rate annum) 1

980-1 990

2.9 2.9

2.7

4000

aa

1.6

2l-69

3304

3.1

4.3

1006

L446

202r

4.r

3.4

344l-

4630

6

313

3.3

3.2

s19

168

9

4.4

4.4

27'7'7

4625

6018

5.8

¿.

45'7 9

650?

8259

3.9

2.4

2L624

2'7 453

35384

2.'7

2.6

2rB'7't

2531

2852r

1.6

L.2

29r3

1.5

1.1

2489

21

I\1

3

5r

a1

t

255r'7

29r89

32504

1.5

1.1

2t20

247 0

2'77 8

r.'7

r.2

2203

2'725

3370

2.4

2.2

229s

2'73'7

3269

2.0

1.8

555

148

3.0

2486

3229

2.'7

954

1396

3

4

?o

1699

2065

2598

2

2

2.3

134

12I8

r8'7'7

5

1

4.4

17 18

2II5

24'7 8

2

3

1.6

9L4

1290

1711

3

9

2.9

5181

6062

6982

1

1

I.4

942

1350

3

1

3 "'7

1411

18s6

2

9

2.8

II'7

r649

2

1

3.5

2.3

2.0

2020 '7

'7

02

74

10 90

923

rr9208

r4'7

4

490

Source:Biro Pusat Statistik, I994

r'7 93'7 9

158

Figure 5.4: Àr¡nual Population Growth Rates in Indonesia by Province, L97 1-1980 and 1980-1990

o

\

0

\ \

\,

12

\

I

.iI

ñ@ oo

O l

kms

j

LAMPUNO

î

Ð;c ,.l}

5OO

YOGYAKÁRTA 7 BENGKULU IO

2WJA\,I 5€.JAVA 3 C JAVA A

=r

"\

7

o o @o tt FO

I JAKARTA .I

ç

â

I

10

(

I

.1s/>

l7


)

\

â

I

JAMBI

13

rcEH

.16

S KALIMANTAN 19 N

SS.SUMATRA IIWSUMATRA.I4WKALIMANTAN 9

RIAU

ü

SUIáWASI 22 BALI

20S.SULAI,VESI 2SW.NUSATENOGARA

25 MALUKU

26¡¡¡¡¡¡¡y¡

'7E.KÄLIMANfAN 12 N.SUMAIR,A 15 C,KALIMANTAN T8 C SULAWESI 21 S.E.SULAWESI 2¡I E,NUSA TENC¡GÂRA 27 E.TI¡¡IOR

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik,

I994

Within West Java there are differences

in the level-s of

growth (Figure 5.5) . During the 1970's the popul-atíon growth rate in Kabupaten C j-an jur was 2 " 4 population

percent per annum, below the average population growth rate of West Java during that period significantly

higher than the national

(2.1 percent) but rate (Table 5.2)

During the 1980s the population qrowth rate

.

decreased in

most reqions except the Kabupaten of Bekasi and Tangerang and Kotamadya Bandung. In these three reqions the rate of

159

Figure 5.5: Annual Population Growth Rate in Vüest Java by Regencies/MunicipaliÈies, 1971-1980 and 1

980-1990

I

do o

I t

20

I

-\. ,

q

I

I

I

I

,-

2

1

4

ôo cO d) tl

¡-ó o)o)

a (municipality)

1 PANDEGLANG

4 SUKABUMI

6a

2 LEBAK

7

3 BOGOR

4a SUKABUMI 5 CIAJUR

3a BOGOR

6 BANDUNG

O

kms

BANDUNG

10 11

100

KUNINGAN 13 SUMEDANG

17 KARAWANG 14 INDRAMAYU 18 BEKASI I TASIKMALAYA 15 SUBANc 19 TANGERANG 9 CIAMIS 12 MAJALENGKA 16 PURWAKARTA 20 SERANG

GARUT

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik,

Saefullah,

50

1992

CIREBON 1la CIREBON

IgJ4, 1983, I993

population qrowth increased surprisingty from 3.6 (Bekasi), 4"I (Tangerang) and 2.2 (Kotamadya Bandung) to become 6.3, 6.I, and 3.5 respectively. The population growth rate in Kabupaten Bogor decreased but the rate $ras stil-I high (4.L percent per annum) during 1980-1990. The increase of population in these regions (Kabupaten Boqor, Tangerang, Bekasi and Kotamadya Bandung) was largrerly associated with Jakarta's resídential and industrial- development which has overspil-led into the

160

adjoining

West Java Kabupaten of Boqor, Tangerang

Bekasi and Kotamadya Bandung

(Hugo,

and

I993b:40, 1993d:41).

Table 5.2 Nunber and Growth Rate of Population and Urbanisation, KabupaÈen in glest Java, L97 1-1990 Regency /Muni

cipal

ro ì-

opu at on (000)

Ly 1971

Regenci

51?.6

694.8

546.4

682

o4

08

09 10 11

I2 13 74 15 16 71 18

19 20

t eo (t per annum)

1971-19801980-1990

a:_e .

rowt

Urbanisauio:r

(t per

annum)

1980-1990

es

Lebak

05 06 0't

1990

1980

01. Pandeglang o2 03

row

PopulaLion

Bogo

r

Sukabumi

Cianjur

Bandung

Garut Tasikmalaya Ciamis Kun i ngan

cirebon Majalengka

r,661.1

r,2ro .6

1, 12s.5

1,985.4

r, 200. 4

1,313.3 r,225 .6 658.

149.7 63't .9

Karawang Bekas i Tange ra ng

Serang

2,

669

.2

1,483.0 1,593.2 r,361 .6 186.4

7

, 331

.'l

Bgt.1

123.6

r , 23'l .5

i, 003. 7

i,236.6

ng

Purwakarca

.8

985. 4 898 .2

I ndramayu Su b,a

493

1,51?.6 1,387.6

6

1,041.9

Sumedang

2,

.9

311.5

'1

830.8

,066.1 859.4

1,065.3 4

849. 2 BB4.

1,750. 1,840.

':

, 529.0

).

,

i09 .2

2.2 2.5 4.6 2.5

2.r 2.5

4.r

1.8 7.1

2.2

1.8

.

9 8 6

1,450.

2.4 2.2

ì.1

1

3,2r9. 1,733. 1, 804

884.

6

i,66 3

1

r ,02

6 B4 9 t .4:> 0

1

3

1

2 1

6 6

I

2, 12 3

0 0

2,16 0 1,48 6

i

3.0

2.4

2.4 2f

-0.1 26.4 4.1

1, 663 . 0

58 - 0

1,143.5

6 1 0

1.6 r6.4 5.3

r.2

c.8

'..ì

3.5 -1.1

2.8 2.0

7.?

ì9.5

2.6

".4 ..6

8.9 3.9

1.4

2.4 2.4 3.6

4.i

1A

1.3

2.r

i.9

6.3 6

.'.

1

2.9

)9

5.9 1.4 5.1

8.9 38.3

i9.8 7.3

Municigalities 2I

Bogor

22

Sukabumi Bandung Ci rebon

23 24

TotaI

195. I

246

9

283

I

2.1

1.C

.2

109

9

1C6

2

l.-q

^o

61

4

2 23

5

052 241

3

178.5

96

7,200. 4 r

2I, 627.0 21,449.8

2

1

35, 384.0

2.2 2.5

3.5 2.2 ¿.6

no a)

91

r3.

t

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik , I9l 4, 1983, 1993; SaefuJ-Iah, I992r Dhanani and Sanito, I994

As is the case in all Indonesia, the population in the urban areas of West Java has grown at a faster rate than that in rural areas. The proportion of people J-iving in rural areas has decreased from 81.6 percent in I91I to 1 9 .0 percent in 1 9B 0 and 65 . 5 percent in 1 990 (TabIe 5 . 3 ) . Four f actors are invol-ved in this : net rural to

l6l

migration, the reclassification of former rural areas to become urban areas, higher fertility in urban areas than rural areas, and l-ower mortality in urban areas than in rural areas (Hugo , I993f :41) . Tabl-e 5 . 3 shor^rs that the urbanisation rate in West Java is faster

urban

Table 5.3

Population Distribution of West ifava, by Urban/nural Àreas and Gender, t97I to

Urban/Rurai-

Urban: male femal-e

Total

t

Indonesia Rural-: male female

Total

t

fndonesia

Total

VÍest .Tawa Indonesia

I

1980

1,33r,5'74 1,35rt549 2, 683, r23

2, a o? ooa 2, 816, 870

T91

L2 .4 L7 .2

g,3o2,3gr 9, 635, 436 18,93'7,82'7 87 .6 82.8

2r, 620, 950 100 .0 100 .0

Source: B:-ro Pusat Statistik, Huqo, 1993b

tr

'7'7

1990 6, r32, 6'7 5 6, 0'7'7 ,040 12, 209 ,1 15 34 .5 30 .9

0 , B6B

2L. 0 22. 4

II' 603,098

10, -Ì'7 0 , 571 10, 908, 401 2I, 6'tB, 912

LI , 568,869 /< t'7I , 96'/ 65 .5 69. 1

79. 0

77. 6

35,381, 682

2'l , 449, 840 100 .0 100 .0

IgJ4, f983,

100 . 0 100 . 0

L993

than Indonesia as a whoIe. UrbanisaLion in moreover, is "likely

1990

to increase faster

Indonesj-a,

than the Asian

and Southeast Asian reqion as a whole" (Hugo, 1993f:48) The rapid growth of the urban population of West Java

to

a J-arge degree associated with

the

Jakarta into suroundinq regíons (Table 5 "2) .

overspill

"

was

of

t62

The differences regencies/

in

population

municipalities

changed the

balance of

density

the

in

distribution

(

qrowth

between

Kabupaten/Rotamadya) has

population

province

rates

(Table

distribution 5. 4 ) .

The uneven

of population in West Java has been caused

not onJ-y by varíation

in the population growth rate, but

al-so by of considerabl-e variation

in the ecology of the

province and consequently in the abiJ-ì-ty to support agricuftural-

and.

population,

proximity

to

an

the major urban

complexes of Jakarta and Bandung, and differences in the Gross Domestic Product in each region (Table 5.4). Imbal-ances in popuJ-ation distríbut ion in Indonesía have

been identified by the government as a significant barrier to deveJ-opment (Country Report: Indonesia, 1992:I-2; BPS, I994:88) " The population of Indonesia was estimated to be 184.35 mil-lion people in mid-1992 with an averaqe grrowth rate of I.6 percent. Although this is the fourth largest popuJ-ation in the world, sixty percent of the isl-ands (there are about 17, 500 islands in the Indonesian archipelago) are not inhabited or are very sparseJ-y popuJ-ated (Country Report : Indonesia, 1992:I-2) . However, the reality is that the outer fslands are not ecologically suited for intensive settlement (Country Report : Indonesia, I992:3) .

163

Table 5.4: Population Distribution of Vlest Java, L971 to PopuÌation Regi on

Area

Discribu¡i.on

and Population Density 1990

PopulaLion DensiLy (per km2

(T)

)

1917 1980 1990 'L9l'L

1980

1

990

llependency CDP per Câpiia (Rupì-ah) RaLio (ra c i work i

o

ng ¡-o 1 990 crowth Raunworkii'tg re 1985-90

Regencies:

0l Pandeglàng 02 Lebak 03 Bogor 04 Sukabumi 05 ClanJur 06 Bandung 07 Garut 08 lasikmalaya 09 Ciamis

10 Kuningan

l1 Cirebon 12 Majalengka 13 Sumedang 14 Tndramayu 15 Subang 16 Purwakarta 17 Karawang 18 Bekasi 1 9 Tange rang 20 Serang

5

I

6 1

02 41

56 69

11 18 1 26 5 6 1 2 2 2 3

45 30 05 50 25 18 66

4

59

4

TO

2.5 1.1 5.6 5.6

6.I

5.1 3.0 4.8 3.5 3.0 4.6 4.2

r.1

94

4.9

2 -l

0i

5.1 5.4 5.8 5.0 2.9 4.9 3.3 2.6 4.5 3.9 r.1 4.5 4 .2 :.6

5.2

22 3 96 3 66 2

2.5 2.4 2.5 2.5 9.1 10.6

2.6

4.6

l.u

266

2C2

2i9

t'l5

4.'l

329

)5

280

53 14

1,113

308

386 401

41 0

5B

238, 444

325

480

59

355, 810

53 57

653

B7B

1,053

411

s 63

4.r

419 486

581 543

662 587

590

1,070

4.r

1.6 4.2 6.

143 509 639 512 552 783

44A

636 641

C

I.u

104

r,361

620 449 509 482

3.4

)

¿)1 931

143

387

2.5 4.1 2.9 2.4

911

191

4.9 5.1

8.3 3 4.:t ,

,422 /ì )8

tJ

:.

91

, 465

r,

I

310

t6

199 693 854

585 148 641 618

61 53 61 55

395,

9-t 5

440, 683

?,c25, \4

t

,

) 6C,

4u

t,)

2.8

5.9 4.9 6.6 5.4 4.2

0.9

3.i

3.3 1.5

562

384, 4i2 418, 22r

ìtt

'8

5t-0

283, 125 32L, 380

49

'15

,

331, 328 365, 3-t 2

94 64

: ,639 2,648

:;9 ì

546, 8't 4

8.9

319

28;

4.6

6.0 2.4

a2'.

i'. i, ì)6

9-

54 54

596, 6A2 518,6?1 643,324

4.9 5.2

48

994. B3B

5-4

i2a,

4.

r,

9

MunicipaliLies 21 22 23 24

Bogor Sukabumi Bandung

Cirebon

West Java Indonesia

0 0 0 0

05 03

19 OB

100

0.9

0.8 8,629 70,U99 lÌ,953 0.3 1 ,954 9, 090 9,9t2 5.8 )-4, B2O 18, 057 25,394 o.1 4,114 5,983 6,804

0.5 5.6 0.8

0.9 0.4 5.3 0.8

100

100 100

501

636

40

819

524

622,092

1.5 t

4.4

Source: Biro Pusat Stat.istik, I9'74, 1983, 1993; Nurdin, I9B6; Dhanani and Sanito, I994

One of the efforts distribution

is

to "balance" Indonesiars population

a qovernment proqram to

peopl-e from the relatively Java-Madura, Bali

heavily populated regions of

and Lombok to

populated areas in the outer isl-ands. five years- about 1.3 million

transmigrate2

the

more sparsely

In the

f

ast tr¡ienty

households (about 5 million

'Transmigration is the fndonesian term for an organised and sponsored transfer of the peopl-e from Java-Madura, BaIi and Lombok to more sparsel-y populated areas in the outer isl-ands.

r&

people) moved from Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok to the outer isl-ands (Hugo, I993b:44) . In the Sixth Five Year Development Plan

(I994/95 -

Government pJ-an to (REPELITA VI,

1998/99ìr, the

transmigrate

Buku III).

Indonesian

600,000

famil-ies

program has

The transmiqration

been the subject of a considerabfe amount of criticism (eg. Hardjono, f911; Titus, I992). The problems faced by the proqram include, with

associated

among other things,

isolation

the

the problems areasi

of

transmigration

areas are not sufficíently

transportation

infrastructure

is stitl

fertile;

limited

some

and

(REPELITA

VI, Buku III). Between 1986/81 and 1990/9I, transmigrants from West Java

131,700 families,

totalled migrants,

that

assistance.

not. in

during

that

of transmigration

in population distribution stiIJ-

very

smaII.

"transmigration "

of

time

any government 5,645

(Table

families

5.5) .

The

to bringing about bal-ance

in Indonesia, nevertheless, is

Hugo (1993b:45) points

out

that

Ís only one element (and not the Iargest

one) in a substantial isl-ands.

receipt

From Kabupaten Cianjur

transmigrated contríbution

is

most of them bej-ng spontaneous

migration from Java to the other

165

Table: 5.5: Total Transmigration of West Jawa and Kabupaten Cianjur L986/87 L99O/9L Vüest

Java

Kabupaten Cianjur

No. of Families " of Fami-Iies Sponsored Spontaneous Sponsored Spontaneous No

I9B6 / 81 r981 / 88 L9BB / 89 r9B9 / 90 L990 / 9r

8,045

44,3l-1

2, r3B

50 ,1 29 16, 6'7r

?

orì'1

3,845

989 450

615

1,003

804 459

2, r00

51 15

703 178 53

2r3

Source: Kantor Statistik Propinsi Jawa Barat, I989, and I99I

Population

distribution

significantJ-y proportion

in

Indonesia

has

1990

changed

since the 1930 Census (TabIe 5.6) .

of the total

popuJ-ation in Java has decreased

from 68.5 percent in 1930 to 60.0 percent in 1990. proportions

The

J-iving in West Java, however, increased from

I1 .9 percent in I 93 0 to

18.6 (1980) and

1B

.

1 percent in 196I and I9'7I ,

"1 percent in 1990. The gro\^ith of has increased the pressure on agricultural

population

19

resources. As a result, as well)

The

the people of West Java (Sukasari

are increaslngly

agricultural-

sector.

Iooking for work in the non-

166

Table 5.6

Distribution of Indonesian Population According to Island (in 1,000,000)

fsland

area

(t)

6.9

Java

Sumâ t e ra Kal imant an

24

9.9 30.4

I91I

1961 ã

4I .1 8.2 2.2 4.2 4.6

.1

28.r

Suf awe s i Ot.her islands

1930 n

n

z

68.5 13.5

63.0 15.7

6.9

?.s

t.7 1.I

10.9 L].9

I1.6

3.6

4.)-

n

65 0

16

16 2

2C

4 7 7

.I

.8

5.2 8.5 8.6

3 3

1980 n

%

63.

8

17.5

4.4

1.r 1.2

91

3

28 0 6

1

10

4

t1

1

1990

t 61 .9 19.0 4.5 7.1 7.5

q

n

107

6

36 5 9

72 13

50 0 20 3 5 1 1 0

1 5

I

7

6

a

2.4

!'ùest Java

18.1

2I.6

18.1

21.5 18.6

35.4 19.l

Source: Mantra, Harahap and Sunarti, 19BBt Hugo, ),993b; Biro Pusat Statistik, I994 5.3 .2 Socio-Economic Conditions

The annual Gross Regional- Domestic product in West Java in 1986-1991 was the highest among Indonesia,s provinces (Biro Pusat Statistik, 1994:620) although per capita GDp at 1983 constant prices (Rp 535,000 in 1991) \^/as a little below some provinces. The respective rndonesian censuses have indicated

that the

work in the agricuf tural proportion percent

ma

jority

of Vrlest Javats people

sector (Tabl-e 5 . 7 ) . However, the

decreased from 5B percent in

in

I9'7I to 4i.B

1980 and reached 36. B percent

Meanwhile, the proportion non-agricultural

sector

economy ín

adjoining

has increased.

recent

years,

"An increasing

especially

in the in

and

(Manning, I981:52) " The areas who do not have either work

Java's major cities"

Iocal- peopl-e in rural

1990.

of peopJ-e who worked in the

volume of rural people have begun to participate urban

in

r61

or e

land,

speci aI ly

seek work in

the

Tangqerangr and Bekasi

Table 5.7

the non-agricultural

in urban

areas

(Hugo,

1993b:40)

of

Jakarta,

.

19tI

1980

L99U WesL

.lâva

01 AgriculLure, Forest ry, HunLlng, Fi she¡y

Mining and Quarrying Manufacturing IndusLry ElecLriciLy, cas and WaLer ConsLruction t¡lholesale Tråde, iìeL¿i i 'i'racle, Restaurants 07 TransporLaLion, SLorage, CommunicaLion

08 Financing, Insurance, Reà-[ EstaLe and Business Services 09 Public Services 10 Others Tot

Bogor,

Populat,ion Àged 10 Years and Over by Occupation, lÍest Java L97L-L990, Kabupaten Cianjur and Desa Sukasari 1990

Måin Ind,ustry

02 03 04 05 06

sect or,

a.L

7.8

58 0 0

i

6 0 2

t

L2

-'t

0.1 !,

.2

5.

9

2.8

l.

6

0

2

0.6

10 't

4

r

36 l '-6 0

8

Ka

bupa Len

64

t I

iB.l 5.3

0

ì.i

6

4.5

13.3

6.4

6 0 .i

I

3.C

13 9

4

15.5 1.0

0

0.3 8.5 0.1

100

100

100

10u

1

1

i

12.6

6 5

'l

2 3

Desa Sukasa r

Cianjur

2

I2

9 3

I00

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, IgJ4, 1983 and 1993 Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, I99I There has been a tendency for the proportion who were employed in both rural

of

femal_es

and urban areas to have

increased since I91I, which shows that the proportion of female participation in economic activities has increased.

Hugo (1993b:54) has pointed

reason was a substantial r^/omen

reporting

out that

increase in the proportion

themsel-ves economically active

1980 and -1990". TabLe 5. B shows the actívity Java's population (aged 10 years and over) participation

of

women in

"the

of

between

of

West

and the

economic activit.ies

has

168

increased. However an important point here is that female workforce participation in West Java is still- weII below the rate for Indonesia as a whol-e. As is shown in Tabl-e 5.8, in 1990 female participation in economic activities \^/as only 25 .5 percent in urban areas ( 3 0 . 5 percent f or Indonesia) and 29.3 percent in rural areas (48.3 percent

female workforce for Indonesia) . Although the participation rate is stíl-l low for West Java, the foll-owing must be considered:

"the the

are less likely to work outside than their Javanese counterparts" (Hugo,

Sundanese \¡/omen home

1993b:60);

"al-most certainly the large number of women working

(household domestic workers) were not included in the workforce but in the 'housekeepíng' category (Hugo , I993b:1 41) ; t.here is a significant number of West Javanese r^romen participating in legal international contract labour (Pusat AKAN, I992) ; "among the major migratio¡ streams to Jakarta, only that from West Java has a predominance of females" (Hugo, I9'7 5:333) " The increase of population and wealth of the middle and upper cl-asses among Jakarta's residents, "has created a considerable demand for young females to be as

pembantu rumah tangga

t69

employed in domestic work" (Hugo,I975 335) , and these

are the opportunities West

Javanese women

take

up.

Kabupaten Cianjur together with Kabupaten Ciamis, Tasikmalaya, Garut, Sumedang, Bandung, Sukabumi and Kotamadya Bandung and Sukabumi, are al-l included in one Table 5.8

The Population of Aged 10 Years and Over by Àct,ivity, Place of Residence and Gender, VfesÈ .Java , L97L, 1980, 1990 Census .

!,iorking Regi

on

Urbân Areâ Male

1980 1990

50.0 56.2 61.5 5t .9

r91),

13.5 18.8

19?1

Indonesia (1990) Fema.I e

1980 1990

Rural- Area Male

25

Looking for a job 9.2

T91

T

1980

1.0

68.1

lndonesia (1990) 14.2 T91

T

1980 1990

Indonesj.a (1990)

19.3

1.9

19 90

FemaIe

6.1

2.r

61.5

22.r

.3

'1

.4

c.1

keepi ng

?.3

c.8 0.9 0.5

49.8 .6

41

.5

44.r :ì4.3

13.1

4.1

r2.9

29

House-

26.4

20

1.0

5.6 0.8

^! 5L

.6 29.3

2.O

.8

Source: Bíro Pusat St

.5

16.9 15.7 18.8

22

48.3

25.t 21 23

0.6

.5

schooÌ

i.6 3.6 3.5

Indonesiâ (1990) 30.5

ALLending

i.1

0.9 0.3

9.4

52 .2

13.4

49.4 46. t 26.4

t?.5

Others .!3.4 13.9 10.5 8.8

ToLal

100 100 100 100

.2 10. 9

100 100 100 100

r2 .8

100 100 100 100

17

8.0 6.6

12

.9

10.

5

5.1

9.9 11.5 9.2 -t

.1

100 100 100 100

ik, I9'74, 1983, 1993 and I992

region that is called tThe Priangan Region' (Figure 5.5). The Priangan Region is usually associated with the homel-and of the Sundanese People and Cian jur \^/as the capital city of this region before IB64 (SaefulJ-ah' L992\ . Saefullah (1992) has described some of the distinctive characteristics of the Sundanese communi-ty as

170

fol-Iows (see also Rosidi,

\984:133-4,155;

Jackson

and

MoeÌiono , I9'7 3: 17-B; Suhamihard¡a , I9842213-4 ) :

the Sundanese community has been a democratic society and easily accepts chanqes from outside the community; the Sundanese community has a strong tendency to respect and obey a person with hiqh status, either for socio-cul-tural reasons or socio-economic reasons (patron-client relationship) ; In the Sundanese community a rú/oman i s highf y respected but somewhat restricted compared to other qroups in Indonesia which have different languages, customs and traditions; Leadership in Sundanese culture emphasises kinship, religion and economic status.

5.4 Desa Sukasari 5.4.1 Population Distribution and Density The population density in Desa Sukasari is lower than in

the urban areas withín Kecamatan Cianjur. With an area of 5.3 km2, the population density of Desa Sukasari is L,649 persons per km2 or 426 households per km2 (Table 5.9) . Generally the population density in other rural villages in Kecamatan Cianjur is not much different (the average is L,325 persons per Xm2 or 331 households per km2). By comparison Kecamatan Cianjur's urban villages average '7 ,17 4 persons or 2 , O58 househol-d.s per km2 The average

t7t

number of household members in Sukasari (3.9) j_s lower

than Kecamatan Cianjur's

urban households

slightJ-y lower than Kecamatan

Ci-an

jur's

rural

(4

.6)

and

househol_ds

(4.0) . The area of Cianjur)

Desa Sukasari

is fairly

Kecamatan Cianjur

of

Kecamatan

extensive compared to other desa in (Table 5.9). In 1990 the population of

Desa Sukasari was Kecamatan Cianjur

(1 percent

4

.4 percent

(Table 5.10).

Sukasari is used for agricultural

of

the poputation

of

Most of the land in activities,

and

onJ-y

10.9 percent is used for housing (Desa Sukasari, 1991:1). According to Village Regl-stration data, the population of Desa Sukasari in I99I was 8,114 and of these 4,8I1 were

years and older.

aged fifteen distribution

of people in each dusun of Sukasari in

and the estimated number of r^/ere still OCWs both

Cil-aku.

Table 5.11 shows the

OCWs

(returnees and

1991

OCWs who

abroad) in 1,992. The largest representaken of in

numeral and proport ional

terms \^ras in

n2

Table 5.9

Population Density of Kecamatan Cianjur by Desa (Urban and Rural Àreas), 1990

Urban/Rural

VilJ-age

Area

Population (per km2 Popu-

Iat ion

Dens

ity

)

House-

hold

Average Persons per House-

hold

Urban-vi l- lage 01. Sawahgede 02. Pamoyanan 03. Bo j ongherang

04. Muka

10

L.2

2.6

r.2

05. Solokpandan 06. Sayang

0.9

08. Mekarsari

01

3.0 2.8

sub-t ot al

16.0

.

Limbangansari

)tr,

8,046

15,910 '7

,4rB r8,502

22, 464 15,520

2, 449 i Jf

H (¡ JJJ

l

r,

652

3, 63r 1,658 4, 058 4 ,158 3,222 569 852

AO

4.4 4.5 4.6 4.1 4.8 4.3 4-Z

'7,'7-Ì4 2,058

4.6

7.0 6.6 5.6

L,649

426 239

3.9

o2

-163 I, T tr11 L,JLL r, 459 r,016 r,24r

4 .1,

955 981

383 420 352 346 219 296 239 399 264 245

4.2 3.8 3.6 3.6 4.0

RuraI-vill-age 09. Sukasari 10. Babakankaret 11. Nagrak L¿.

Rancagoongr

13.

S

L4.

i rnaga J- ih

juI

4.7

r,

9s3 952

7,564

44r

4.0 4.4 4.2 4.3 4.2

Ciharashas Cibinonghi l- i r r9. Sukakerta 20. Sindangsari 21. Mulyasari

4.4 4.6 1.7 6.5 6.8 6.9 8.9 6.9

sub-total-

84.0

r,325

331

4 "0

100.0

2, 632

608

4

15. 16. r1 . 18.

Mun

Sukama j u

Rahong

Total-

909

),,442

Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cian¡ur, I99\

?q

3

r73

Table 5.10: Population Distribution of Kecamatan Cianjur by Desa (Urban and Rural Areas) and Gender, 1990

Urban/Rural

VilJ-age

MaIe

Female

5,528 '/ ,332 '7

5,'7 6r

TotaÌ

%

rr,2B9

tr

Sex

Ratio

Urban-vi Ilaoe 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Sawahgede Pamoyanan Bo j ongherangr Muka

Solokpandan Sayang

Limbangansari 08. Mekarsari 01

.

sub-total-

, 213 a ))) '7 ,34'7 V,

LLL

1_4, 46'7

2,'706 3,'7 B6

''l

,369 '7 ,466

B, 448

'7

,569

r4, 556 ) Lf

tr, 1'1 t tJ

3

,'7 30

r4,'7 0r

''7

1.4

r4 ,'7 39

1A

29,023 5,481

14 .6

r6, 610 r4, 9r6 '7

| 5l-6

56,661 5-Ì,614 \14,335

8.4 1.5 2.8 3.8

51

.1

96 100 97 91 91 99 96

r02 gB

Rural-village 09. 10. 11. 12. 13.

14.

Sukasari

Babakankaret Nagrak Rancagoong

SirnagaJ-ih

Mun juJ-

15. Sukamaju 16. Rahong 11

.

Ciharashas

18. Cibinonghi I i r 'lo

Sukakerta

20. Sindangsari

2r" Mulyasari

4,444 2, 44r 4, ]-90 2,'7 BB

5,544 2,

4BB

2,545 2,863 3,013 2,333 3,'729

3t200 2, 5rr

4,239 )

1aa

L t JLt)

4,04'7 2

, 1r'7

5,520 2, 495 2t481 2,905 3,039 2,30'7 ,'7 4'7 3, r'7 4 2, 641 3

8,683 4,169 8,237 5,505

rr,

064

4,983 5,032 5,'7 68

6,]-r2

4, 640 '7,4'76 6t3'74 q

J I

1Eo LJ(J

4.4 2.4 4.2 2.8

s.6 2.5 2q )q

3.1 2.3 3.8 3.2 2.6

42,749 4r,652 83,801 42"3 Total 98,810 99,326 rg9,136 100.0 Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, 1991 sub-totaI

105 105 L04 103 100 100 L02 99 10

t-

r01 100 101 95 101 100

174

Table 5. l-L The Population of Sukasari by Dusun, Total population

Dusun

1

2 3 4

5

CiIaku Cilaku Hilir

Gegerbitungr

Cijati alasari

P

Total No e

2, 052 r, 44I I, 4I5

r,844 r,362

8,

t

t

11

Total

Overseas Contract Workers

hold

Total

house-

(May 1991)

4

assumpt

1991

%

from total

househoÌd*

s00 406 393 443 3s6

1-21

25 .4

B7

22.r

54

12 .2

2,098 ont at

382

19.0 10.4

no

TB.2

ouse

than one OCW. The househol-ds with OCW are smaÌ] in number.

o

more

as more than one

Source: Field data, 1992

PopuJ-ation Registration, Sukasari, May I99I

5.4.2 Socio-Economic Conditions The majority of people in Desa Sukasari, âs well as in

West Java generaJ-Iy work as farmers (Table 5.1,2) . The situation of Sukasari village I99I shows that 492 (20 "92) males and 2, I95 (8 9 . 3% ) f emales \^¡ere unemployed (aged 15 years ol-d and over) The hiqh proportion of female unemployment, âs expJ-ained previousJ-y, is related to the

definition of work where female participation in economic actívities in agricuJ-tural areas is ignored. Moreover, as Hugo observed (1993e) in Java, the transplantìng of rice,

175

harvestinq,

threshing,

sowinq and weeding actually

tend

to be dominated by women. Therefore, when the survey done in

l-ate 1992,

'7

.6 percent

6

of

was

female OCWs in

Sukasari stated that they were unemployed before working overseas. The proportion

for

mal-e OCWs \^ias onJ-y

30

percent.

Table 5.L2: Population 15 Years of Age and Ower by Employment. St.atus/Type, Sex and Dusun, Desa Sukasari , 1991 (percentages) Cilaku

Emp.L oymen L

Ci.l-aku Hilir F

M

F

M

EmpI oyee

0

5

2

I

2 0 a

10.3 1.1 1.1 10.3 It .9

0.5

EmpI oyee

-Private EnLerpríse Employee -Driver -CrafLsmàn -Domestic Help -Midwi f e -Pension

0

1

24 5 21 0

I9 5 0

0

8

3

52 0 4

28

.3

I

1

4

0

6

20

30

2T 0

5 5 5

3 6

14

5

.3

6

4

8.6

l

B

5

8

a.1

4

3

0

c.3 4

t.2

i.8 ',4

Palasari M

M

1

0.3

Ci jari

0.6 53.9 25

2

T1

F

¡4

-Sukasar.i Village -Farmer -En t repre neu r -Merchant -Teacher -CiviI ServanL -State Enterprise

Gegerbicung

54

i

9 9

I 4

84.2

i.3

3.9

i.3

M

0. 44. 1 9.

9

0.1 0.1

4

1

0. 1.

0.3

3 6

853

r22

259 L82

11

2I 46

c.2 4.3

25 6

.2

29

0

t.9

l

5

385 5

2

3 3

2.2

9

0.1

2.1

?

3

7.2

100

100

IUU

IUU

1UU

LUU

Work

400

78

356

53

3 60

41

426

16

318

No l'lork

116

564

119

471

41

385

19

436

1t

415

4t0

401

516 642

Source: Population Registration, 1991

Femal-e part ícipat ion

in

60

50

0_fl

5.5 10.3

25 13 16

5

Lo0

Total

(n)

i.

_t00

Sub-toLal:

TotàI

432

505 5I2

43

IUU

IUU

10 1,860 393

264

492 2,i95

395 403 2,352 2,459

Sukasari Village,

employment i s

tt

st i I I

May

low,

especially in Palasari. fn this sub-vitIage, only 2.5 percent of females aged 15 years and over are working and hal-f of them work in private enterprise. In Gegerbitung

r76

and Ci¡ati

most females work in the agrj-cultural

sector,

whereas in Cilaku and Cilaku Hilir

they are employed in

the

as

non-agricultural

sector

employees

or

entrepreneurs, merchants and teachers.

In CiIaku Hilir, Ci¡ati and Pal-asari the researcher saì4r many femal-es (including females under 15 years of age) makíng "emping: meJinjo" (bitter nut crackers) They pound the "meLinjo" or "tangkil" (bitter nuts) with a stone and dried them in the sun. They did this work while sitting in a relaxed atmosphere. They worked for an " emping melin jo" producer (the o\^/ner of the bitter nuts ) and received Rp 800 (about 40 cents in US doll-ar terms) as a wage for each 1 kilogram of dried " emping meJinjo" . Suprisingly, they were not recorded in the Village Office as workers, although they received wages for that job. If this work is cl-assified as employment, then the proportion of female workers in Cilaku HiJ-ir, Ci¡ati and Pal-asari is much higher. Moreover, the "mefinjo" tree itsel-f is also not recorded as a productive resource. In the official- village potentíql report, the only reported crops are coconut, clove, rice, cassava and mango/ whereas thousands of "melinjo" trees are spread across Sukasari village (Plate 5.2) . They also participate in some seasonal agricultural activity e. g. transplanting and harvesting of rice.

117

The other aspects of femafe participation in economic act ivíties which are ignored in the village regi strat ion are:

(1) the

farmer's

agriculturaf

wife

who helps

the

husband

in

activities;

(2) the wife who has opened a making food for

sma.l-l-

business such

sal-e, openi-ng small

as

shop

("warung") at their house; (3) wives and other female overseas contract

workers

(more than 70 percent of overseas contract

workers

are female and in all of the dusun, females domj-nate males in participating

in overseas

Plate 5.22 Sukasari: Trees of "Melinjo"

empJ-oyment)

.

178

In many rural- settings, according to Findley (1987), v/omen and children are cal-led upon to continue and intensify their work in the agricultural sector, while men seek waqe labour outside the village as migrant labourers. However 1n Sukasari, although the men moved out of the village for work and the v/omen work overseas, it seems that their absence does not have an effect on the agricultural activities. It is because Lhe amount of Iabour supply outweighs the employment opportunities available. This is simil-ar in East Java villaqes (The RuraÌ Development Foundatl-on, I992: 116) .

Manning (1987:'73) , in his case study of rural- economic chanqe and labour mobility in West Java, found that the majority of villagers who worked j-n the urban economy stillbasis.

continued to work in the rice fiel-ds on a seasonaÌ They returned to the viJ-J-age at harvest time or

al-ternat iveJ-y Ie f t it

during

s

Iack periods in search of

income in major cities " This mobility of workers has been facilitated by the improved transport system in Java (Hugo, 1985a: B2)

. In Sukasari ViJ-1age, f iel-dwork indicated

that many of the owners of farmland or wet rice

fields

are engaged in work in the urban economy (both in the pubJ-ic and private sectors) while their

fields

are cultivated

hired

at

by "buruh tani"

pJ-antíng and harvest

farmland/weL rice (farmhands) who are

times.

Most Sukasari

119

village

employees had a wet rice

actíve in cul-tivating provide additional

it.

field

they were

and

Here, agricultural

act ivit ies

income for some villagers.

Tabl-e 5.13 indicates

that

the educational_ prof ile

Sukasari's population is proportionally

of

better than

Tab1e 5.13: The Proportion of Population 10 years of Àge and Over by Educat.ional AÈtainment, Villages of Keeamatan Cianjur, Kabupaten Cianjur, West Java and Indonesia, 1990 U

rban

,/

Ru

Vi I lage

ra

Never .li. Lenoed scnooì/lot yeL COmpic:e()

L

i

¡,,¡d¡

Pr imary

.Juni<¡r

>erì L()r

5Cn()().

)c1()o

S<:hoo; i

lcr'.-r.rry

I (ii.(:¿I :on.ì, I rìsL t r. !ii. L on

'l oL¿

y

Urban-Village 0l 02 03 04 05 06 0? 08

Sawahgede Pamoyanan

Bojongherang Muka

Solokpandan Sayang

Limbangansari Mekarsari

42.4 38. 9

26.I 49 .I

35. 6 42 .6

38.1 31.3

1'

41 26 31 20

a

.8 .1 .2 .2

cq.\

59.5

10

4

I1

9

15. 13. 16. 24. 10.

5 2 3

6.

5

5

I

11 4 11 1 't 8 9

1

t-0

I

1.5 2.3 1.9

I

0

t2

2

6 2

5 4

0.9 0.1 0.5 0.?

11.

4

0.1

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

100

(11 , 289)

lr4,

701)

(14, 1 39) (16, 670) \14 , 916l (29, 0231

(

s, 481)

( 1, 516)

Rural-VilIage

09 Sukasari 10 Babakan ka re 11 Nagrak

t

28.2

48 3

8 2 4

38 8 28 5 28 2

5

4t

1

9

38

1 1

I2 Rancagoong 13

Sirnågalih

I4 MunjuI

12. 0 23 .9

6.1

32

4.5 5.3

.'l

0

2.1

46 8 32 0

3.1

5.3 1.8

21

1.9

15 Sukama j u

4

43

46 6

4

11 18

Ciharashas

8

26

19 20

Sukakerta

1 1 4

Sindangsari 2I Mulyasari Tot

5 4

5.4 1,7

2.8 4.6 2.6 1.8

16 Rahong

Cibinonqhil-ir

.0

4.5

36. 6 43. 4

aq

2.6

0.1

0.?.

0.3 c.1 0.1 0.1 0.1

0.0 o.2 0.0 0.1 0.0

a.l- :

Kecamatan Clanjur Ka.bupaten CfanJur

l{eet

,Java

Indonesia

42.9 43.0 46.3 44

.3

35 5

13 1

41 3

5 3

34 5 33 5

9

11

1 6

7.7

3.9 8.? 9.3

0.8 0.5 1.4 1.3

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

( I (

(

8, 683

)

4, 1 69) 8, 231 )

s, 505)

(11 , 064 ) I 4, 983) s. 032].

( (

s. ?68)

( 6, 112) ( 4, 640] I t, 41 6') I 6, 31 4l 158)

100 ( 198,136) 100 ( 1,2L2,832) 100 (26,382,rr6)

100 (135, 714, 449)

Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, I99I Biro Pusat Statistik, I992 and 1993 Kecamatan/Kabupaten Ci-anjur, West Java, and Indonesia as

a

r^rhole

" The proportion

of Sukasari

people who never

r80

attended school- /not- yet completed primary school is only 28.2 percent, while in Kecamatan/Kabupaten Cianjur, West

Java it is 46.3 percent and Indonesia as a whole 44.3 percent. Moreover, aJ-though only a small proportion of Sukasarj-'s population (0.1%) have tertiary education, the proportion who have secondary education is quite high. The higher education levels in Desa Sukasari have changed

the attitudes

of Sukasari's popuJ-ation so that they have

more respect

for

a non-agricultural

rather

than

an

agricultural

occupation " The researcher observed that young peopJ-e, especially young educated persons, had a

tendency to work in the non-agricul-tural

sector " Some main occupation was in the non-

people claimed that their agricuJ-tural sector

(e

.9. as a teacher or civil

servant

)

,

although they had a wet rice fiel-d and they worked on it during planting become drivers

sector

(

and harvest

time.

They preferred

or other employees in the non-agricu.l-tural-

see Plate

5.3)

. It seems that young peopJ-e were

embarrassed to work in the agricultural

similar

to

sector,

and

a

process occurred among the young population in

Malaysia (Hugo, I993a:53)

:

"It is exacerbated by a pattern whereby young Malays who have exper-ienced the education and related programnes of the New Economic Policy (NEP) perceive jobs in the pJ-antation, other agricuJ-turaI and some manufacturing areas as being low paying, low status, dirty, jobs. Accordingly they are willing unattractive to experience a period of unemployment and wait for a

181

white coll-ar job rather than take availabl-e (albeit unattractive) opportunities. "

suitable

up the

Ir

PlaÈe

5 3

The young villagers as Tukang Ojek (motor

cycle drivers for public transportation), Sukasari.

focated in The services, utilities and facilities Sukasari at the time of the survey (1992) are shown in Tab1e 5.14, which also shows that 189 households have television. This means that only about 9 percent of total households in Desa Sukasari have the benefit of television programmes, but a greater proportion of the villagers presumably watch tel-evision reguJ-arly. However, obviously

182

Table 5.14: Selected Serwices, Utilities and Facilities in Desa Sukasari L992, and Keeamatan Cianjur 1990

Service,

Utility

Faci Ì i ty

Type and

Economi c

MâTKeL

Shop

Small Shop Bank

Transportation/

Communication

Heal Lh

Education

RecreaLion

Property

of

HousehoLd

Sukasa

KecamaLan

Cianjr.:r

i

5

24

,109 8 ,230

60

l Co-operaclon Factory Repai r Shop 3 ElecLricity Office PosL office TeJ-ephone Office Train SLàLion 1 Bus/CoIc SLaLìon Warte). lWârung 'fe)epon=Smal-1 Telepirone Of f i ce) HospiLal Puskesmas lPusdt Kesehdtân MasyârakaL=Community HealLh Cent re) I Fami I y Planning C-I inic Chemi s t Posyandu lPos Pelayanan Terpadu=Lhe Communj Ly IntegraLed Service posL ) 13 PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraân Keluarga=tl,e Movement for EamiIy I'lelfare Education) 1* Primary SchooI 4 Junior High School 1 Senior High School 1 BLK \Bal.dj LàLjhdn Kerja=Job Training CenLre) Agent of PPTKI (Indonesian Overseas Labour Supplier) EducaLion Training CenLre PesanLren (Religious Boârding Schooi) 4r Mosque/prayer houses t: Chu rch C

ri

3

1*

89 nd nd nd

1r

1i

1* 2ù

nd 2 9 5

nd

223 nd 13C 20 21

nd nd nd nd 8

i nema

Places for RecreaLion Car

MoLorcycle RefrigeraLor Television Video Radi

o

Tape Recorder ra

Came

BicycJ.e

Source: Mantri Stati stik, Kecamatan Cian¡ur, * Field data, 1992

4,

I9* 59. 189

3r 180 311 3x

82*

nd ^!

nd nd

r3,442

nd

19,994

r6,582

nd nd

1991

television and radio are not important sources for people in Desa sukasari in obtaining information about working overseas. This wiIl be discussed in Chapter Nine. The mosque is very important in the life of Moslem people. It is an important place f or peopl_e to obtain information, as was the case h/hen this fieldwork was

183

conducted, when the mosque informed the community (using Ioudspeaker)

that

in

Desa Sukasari

the

survey

r^ras

underway. The total number of mosques and ,, Iang:gar, (prayer houses) in all of the dusun in Sukasari village total-1ed 83, or Kecamatan Cianjur.

about 7 percent

of

all

mosques in

Most of these mosques in

Sukasari

viJ-J-age were buil-t by the mutual self-heJ-p effort

(usaha

gotong royonq) of the vill-agers. Considering

that

transportation

Cianjur

is available,

city it

Desa Sukasari to use services,

AdditionalJ-y,

nearby

and

is easier for people ín utilities

in Cianjur city that are not available residence.

is

and facilities in their ptace of

because Desa Sukasari is

not

very far from Metropolitan Jakarta and the urban centers of

Bandung, Bogor, Tanggerang and Bekasi where most

education, trade

industry activities are concentrated3, it is possibte for them to commute there to obtain services. These

and

' In 1989, in BOTABEK and Bandung, atthough they only account for about 20 percent of the area of West Java, t.hey had between them 51- percent of the province's total trading companies, 51 percent of total hospitals, 59 percent of total Senior Secondary Schools, all State Uníversities and Advanced School-s and about B0 percent of Private Universities and Advanced Schools (Saeful_Iah, L992:100) . The development of growth centres of education, trade and industry have increased. the population mobility from rural_ to urban areas within the province.

184

regions have become the destinations of migrants from the surrounding areas (Hugo, I915¡ Forbes, 1981,' SaefulIah, 1992)

.

5.5 Conclusion In the West Java context, Hugo (1915, l91B) has indicated that

economic factors

have played a decisive

population movement. In turn,

initiating

suggested that this mobility

will

however, he

has

enhance the process of

devel-opment in the place of origin.

fertile

rol-e in

Desa Sukasari is

a

area, nevertheless, there has been a tendency for

the vol-ume of peopJ-e who work in the agriculturalto decrease. This tendency shows that Sukasari

are

activities

now more active

in

sector

people in

off-farm

Desa

economic

than before. The work overseas, moreover,

has

been seen by Sukasari's popuJ-ation as an opportunity to obtain

work which could

not

be obtained

homeland. The improvement of transportation this

village

in

their

to and from

has enabled people to migrate more easily,

incJ-uding to other countries to obtain work with higher wages.

Chapter Six THE CAUSES AI{D PROCESS OF INTERNATIONAT MIGRÀTION rN VüEST JAVA, TNDONESTA.

I,AT}OUR

6.1 Introduction Mígration the

involves at least

area/country

destination

of

(Adepo

international

origin

ju,

process

migration

three actors: and the

19BB )

is

migration

complex,

and destination

the

of

internal-

constraints

such as polit.ical

distance, cost and socio-cul-turaf origin

area/country

Although

.

the migrant,

on

controls,

differences between the

areas tend to

make it

more

complex. Moreover, the two processes are often Iinked. Arnold and Abad (1985:15) conclude that. internal and international it

is

migration are "inextricably

entírely

appropriate

migration theories in this

that

to

linked and that

formulate

comprehensive

include both processes".

chapter international

Hence,

labour migration

in

Vrlest

ulava is examined in the context of all- mobility

in

West

Java

International

l-abour migration is one of several types of

populati-on mobilïty important context

to of

which exist

consider all-

in West Java and it

international

population

mobility

movement in

in

is the

the province.

186

Accordingly, this chapter firstly reviews the types and causes of mobility in West Java. It then proceeds to focus partially on the population of Desa Sukasari in order to seek an understandi-ng of the causes of international fabour migration and the process by which such migrants obtain work. Data collected in the survey described in Chapter Three are used to examine the causes and process of international- labour migration.

6.2 Mobility in VÍest

,Java

Population mobility in West Java has been studied in some detail by Hugo (1975, I91B) and more recently by Saeful-l-ah (1992) . These studies demonstrated that non permanent forms of movement such as commutíng and circul-ar migration are especiaJ-ly significant in the province " However the volume of this mobility unfortunately cannot be est.imated because the existing data collection systems fail to identify non-permanent movement (Hugo, I9B2b) . WhiIe the registration statistics

do not record the incidence of circulation and commuting (SaefuJ-lah, 1992:64) , census data provide information only about permanent migration between provinces. In Indonesia the incidence of permanent migrants has increased. fn I9-lI 4"9 percent of the Indonesian

187

population lived in a province other than that of their birth. In 1980 the proportion increased to 7 percent and 8.2 percent

to

1990 (Table 6.1) .

in

Some provinces,

especialJ-y West Sumatra and Yogjakarta have consistentJ_y lost popuJ-ation due to an excess of outmigration over inmigration.

Whereas other provinces have had net gains

of migrants.

DKI Jakarta,

were the main destinations

Lampung and East Kalimantan

for interprovincial-

migrants.

Mantra (1992:39) pointed out that "the size of the fl-ow of migrants to a certain province is very much influenced

Table 6.1

Indonesia: Outmigration and Inmigration As A Percentage of Prowincial Resident Populations,

1971,

r91

Province

outmi

-

grants 01 Dl Aceh 02 North Sumat.ra 03 West Sumatra 04 Riau 05 JambI

06 SouCh SumaLra 01 Bengku.L u 08 Lampunq 09 DKI Jakartà 10 f',¡est Java 11 Centrål Jave 12 DI Yogyakartà 13 Easc Java

I4 Bali

15 West. Nusa Tenggarâ 16 EasL Nusa Tenggarà 71 Eâ sL 'f imor 18 West KalimanL¿n 19 Central Kâ.1 imanLan 20 souLh Ka.Iim¿nLan

2I East KalimanLan 22 North SuÌawesi 23 CenLraÌ Su.Lawesi 24 South SuÌawesi 25 South East Su.Iawesi 26 Maluku

21 Irran Jaya Tota

L

Note: Source:

3.0 10.

7

2.4 3.1 6.0 ¿q

L1

4.6 5.3 1.1 10.1 2.9

2.'t

c.6

ì.'l Ì.1

1.1

4.9 3.8 4.5 4.3 3.4 5.2

and

1980

1990

\

.L

rnmt-

grant

s

Net

-

granLs

1

-0

3

5

2 2

mi.

Oucmi

grants 5.1

-t

3 2

4.6 4.0 1.1 5.1

2

34

2.O

1

35

9.4

2

I

-3 -6 -6

11.4

2

-1

9 1 0

I i

5

6

10 12

0 6

)

5

-0

9

2

3 6

-0 6

1

-3 -0

5

'

.()

_q

4

6 0

5.3

_i)

2 2

5.3



0

I1

I 1

1 6

3

-

3.0 8.1 3.6 5,1 3.0 1.9 9.'1

4.8 1.5

.L

980

Ìnmigrants

NeL mi -

5.6 0.8 4.0 16.5 20.1 13.3 16.0 38.0

1.1

40.1

3.t 1.4

6.6 1.6 2.6 2,6

grants 7.1

-10,6 11.9 t6.1

5.6

36.0 30.1 -i .6

-2.4

-3.t

-2.',

2."

ouLmi-

grants 1.8 7.3 4.5 4.1 4.8 1

.6

4.8 3.8 1.2 5.0 3.9 6.1

990

Inmi-

qranLs 5.1 4-5 5.4

2r.o

NeL mi -

grânts 1

I

-9

3

18

'1

1

2

24.8 38.5 6.8 1.8

25 "6

0 3

?l

ì

ql

5

2i

,'2

1.2 .')

-3 -0

6.2 6.2

4

4

2.8 t?\

1.8

?.' ..:

l.l

4.C

ìr.3

i3

24 .4

20 .4

4.8

32 .2

21

11.6

3.3 8.7 8,8

.3.6

-2

4.3

2.O

-1.4

i.6

11.3 9.2 8.1

4.4 1.2

'l -o

l-o

I

1

,.t ì:.9

r4.6

1

116

.3 14.8 23

t.5 i4.9 1.4

9

-2

6.C

5.4

2.2

tc.6

76

.9

3.2

2 2

i3

1t.6

I

16.i

13

10.2 4.2

4

a.2

Populatlon 1971: 118,367, 850 (140, 136 born åbroad) Populac.lon 1980: 146,116t413 1I24t148 born abroad) Population I990r 1'79t241,1A3 \I23t609 born abroad) BPS, Sensus Penduduk 1971, serie D; Penouduk Indonesia, Hasil sensus Pensusuk 1980, Serie Penduduk Indonesia, Hasil Sensus Penduduk 1990, Serie S2

s2,.

I¡il1

by the ups and downs of the development of the since their reasons Lo migrate are mostly due to matters

"

pr ovrnce economic

.

In West Java, the flow of outmigrants has been relatively stable at around 5 percent since I97L (Table 6.2) . The main destinations for West ,Java mig'rants were DKI Jakarta and Lampung. The flow of outmiqrants from West Java to Lampunq is

partly

associated with

the "transmiqration"

program, which is the Indonesian National

Policy which

aims to achieve a balance of population distribution

by

movinq the population from high density areas to sparsely

populated areas (Hardjono, 1-977). West Java was the major source of migrants to DKI.lakarta

in the 1960s and

1970s

(Hugo, I9'78) províding more than 45 percent of miqrants to

DKI Jakarta

position

before

as the chief

L97L. It

has since

lost

its

source of migrants l-o Jakarta to

Central Java.

the flow of outmigrants has remained stable, Lhe number of inmigrants to t.his province has increased. Consequently, net migraLion losses declined from 3.5 percent at the 1,971 Census to 1,.6 percent in 1980 and by 1990 a rerTêrsal had occured so that a l.B percent net migration gain was recorded. Table 6.2 indicates that inmigrants f rom Central 'Java (34.6%) and DKI Jakarta Whereas

189

Table 6.2

West Jawa: Percent Distribution of Prowinces of Destination of Outmigrants and Origin of

Inmigrants (lifetime migration), L97L, 1980

and

1990

Miqrâtìon, Province

01 02 03 04 05

ouLmi

-

1,1ìgråtion,

1971

Migrai ion, 1990

1980

:rmi-

NeL mi -

Net mi-

q:.r n[ s

granf:;

granLs

NeL nl{;

r.t nl

r;

i¡ r

.ì:ì: s

DI Aceh North SumaLra

4.2

Ì-0

0.8

o.2

4.1

0.5

ì.0

0.6

1.9

3.5

1.6

1.8

3.9

2.r

7.1

4.8

West Sumatra

0.5

2.8

2.3

0.4

4.5

Riau

0,4

0.5

0.1

o.6 0.9

iambi

1.3

0.9

O6 South SumaLrã

5.6

4.0

-0.4 -L.6

07 08 09 10 11 12 13

c.2

0.3

c.i

Lampung

i4.3

c.8

DKI Jakarta

64.3

Bengkulu

4

3.i

o.l

3.'l

3.0

0.5

-0.

1

3.1

0.7

-2-4

0.3

-0.

6

2.6

0.2

-0.1

0.9

_.t.6

.3-

26-t 40.5

5.8

c.6

-0.

-)

1

3.0

-3.4

/

'-.6

-"2-1

-30.2

49.',1

33.0

-16.1

35.4

6.2

6.4

:.6

-l.4

't4.4

-49-9

CentraÌ Java DI Yogyakarta

5.1

48.6

13.5

0.6

3.i

¿.J

0.9

2.4

East Jãva Bali

2.4

9.0

6.2

3.t

't.l

4.6

3.2

8.4

5-2

o,2

0.7

0.3

0.4

0.1

0.4

0.4

0.0

56.3

-..2

34

.6

J.)

28

.4

2.3

14 West Nuså Tenggara

0.0

0.3

0.3

c.t

o.2

0.3

0.i

0.1

0.4

0.3 0.3

o.2

15 East Nusa Tenggara 16 East Timor

0.1

0.3

0.2

0.1

o.2

0.1

0.0

-0.

o.2

0.9

o

-'l

o.1

0.0 0.6

0.1

17 West Kal.imantan 18 Central Kallmantan

i.2

0,8

-o .4

0.1

0.1

0.0

o.2

0.1

c.8

0.1

-o.1

19 South Kâ.Limantån 20 EasL KàlimånLan 21 North Sulawesi 22 Cenrrai Sulâwesi 23 souch sulawesi 24 Souch Easc Su-tawesi

0.6

1.1

0.5

0.8

c.5

0.1

4.6

0.5

0.7

0.2

0.-l

I.l

0.8

25 Måluku

0.1

26 Irlan Jaya

0.3

,'''

Totâ

Note: Source:

1.3

1

n?

-o.1

0.3

-1.0

î.4

1.6 .2

0.3

:l .3

¿

::

-0.

:

4.9

0.8

J./

0.3

c.2

0.1

-o .2

0.3

3.2

3.2

-0. 1 c.8

c.5

.r.J

4.6 -a .4

a4 o.

t

o2 0?

4.2

-0.

5

c.l

3.Ì 5.3

1

-0.3 -0.5

.

o.2

27 Abroad Not Stated

-0. 1 -0.1

1.8

-3.5

5_.3

3.1

-1.6

5.0

6-B

1.8

I91I: 2\,620,950; I98Oi 21,449,840; 1990: 35, 3AI,682 l9?1, serie Di Penduduk IndonesÌa, Ilàsi L Sensus i)ensusuk 1980, Serle Penduduk Indonesiå, Hasil Sensus Penduduk 1990, Serie S2 Popu.LaLion

BPS, Sensus Penduduk

S2;

190

(33%) dominate the flow of inmigrants to West Javct. However the number of outmigrants f rom West ,lava t o DKf

.lakarta (49.I2) was higher than to Centra-L Java (6.2%) The data in Table 6.2 does not include permanent migration within WesL Java and non-permanent migrat,ion, such as circul-ation and commut.inq. Ci-rculation is movement outside the village or ci-ty involving temporary absences (usually for work or education) of more than 24 hours. When the absences are for less than 24 hours and movers return home within the same day, this is called commutinq (Hugo, êt ô1 . , 1-987 ) . f n West Java, circulation and commuting often involve crossing provincial boundaries. Although these movements are not detected in the national- censuses, a study by Hugto (I918 ) has shown that non-permanent migration between rural and urban areas in West Java is significant. Saefullah (L992:64) points out that " since the improvement in transport facilities, population mobility in West Java seems to be dominat.ed by commuting rather than permanent and circular migration"" People move to urban areas, especially to Jakarta and Bandunq, for work or to attend an educational institution, and reLurn to the place of origin in the .

same day.

TWo

decades âgo, Hugo (1915:333) pointed out that.

"

amongr

the major migration streams to Jakarta only that from

l9l

West Java has a predominance of females.

The increase of

population and wealth in the middl-e and upper classes of Jakarta's residents has created a considerabl-e demand for young (Hugo

femal-es to

,I915

: 335

)

be

employed in

and these are the

domestic

\n/ork"

opportunities

I¡üest

Javan females take up. An important point here is that aJ-though femal-e workforce participation

still

wel-l bel-ow the rate

are a significant international

f

in West Java is

or Indonesia as a whole. There

number of r¡/omen participating

in

J-egaJ-

contract labour and many are from Kabupaten

Cianjur (Pusat AKAN, 1992) . (1987) have summarised the main types of popul-ation movement which occur j_n contemporary Indonesia Hugo, êt al.

in the typology presented in Figure 6.I. migration,

circulation

These incl-ude

and commuting occur within

the

local

community, outside the community but within the province, inter-provincial movement within an isIand, inter-island, Hence, the

and movement across country international

boundaries.

movement under consideration

here is only one subset of the totalj-ty

of mobility

in

the province of West Java. Figure 6.I shows that the internationaÌ under study here is

only

one type

l_abour migration

of

international_

movement and can be viewed as a form of circul-ation

over

r92

relat.iveJ-y longer periods

and occuring across country

boundaries. Stal-ker (\994) defines international workers as people who are admitted to

a destination

country on the understandì-ng that they will period

limited

Circulation,

in

that

the

and

work for then

commuting and the migration intention

of

a

leave. overseas

movements where persons do not

contract workers are all have

country

contract

of

a

residence (Lee, 1966; ZeIinsky,

permanent

change

I9'11-; Standing,

However such movement to another country will-

in

1,982)

.

usually

involve migrants in having greater contact with different J-anguages, peopÌe and customs (Hugo, et al . 1987 ) .

Figure 6.1: Tlpology of Population Mobility PatLerns

'L'y pe s

commur-ing

1.

in Indonesia

ci rcula¡ion

mìgration

MovemenL within Lhe local communiLy

2. MovemenL ouLside the communiLy buL wiLhin fhe province

3. InLerprovincia.l

RuraL-->Rura1

movement wiLhin

RuraÌ-->Urbân Urban-->Rural

an i s.l and

Urban-->Urban

Inter-island moveme n t 5. International moveme

Legal Illegal

n t.

Source: Hugo, êt.âI., The Indonesian indicated

that

1987:170

Inter-censal migrant s

Survey of move

mainJ-y

1985 (Supas) because of

193

employment-related reasons (Mantra, I981:35). In the case of circulation, Forbes (1981:70) has stated that this strategy

the onJ-y choice many poor people have to earn a subsistence income (mencari nafkah) and 1t cannot "is

be closed off

until

alternative

Thus, the main reason for

opportunities

migration

in

arise.

"

Indonesia is

economic. In other words, the main aim of population mobil j-ty is the search f or empJ-oyment, whereas education occupies second place in the reasons for migration. apparent that difficulties educational facilities

in getting

It

i_s

work, the lack of

and the scarcity

of agricultural-

Iand in rura.l- areas have all caused rural-urban movement. Moreover, the 1990 Census lndicated migrant to rural of

f

lows to urban areas \,vas greater than the

f Iows

areas. This is because the economic motivation

migrants

migrate

that the vol_ume of

is

stiII

dominant in

their

decision

to

and the

service and industrial sectors are generalJ-y found in cit j-es. Therefore migration to cities is

consequently higher

Harahab and Sunarti,

than to

rural- areas

(Mantra,

198B; Hugo, 1993f).

Economic reasons of movements for West Javans have been

dominant since pointed out:

precolonial

times

as Hugo (1978:296)

"In precoJ-onial times most West Javans were shifting agricuJ-turists engaging in highly focalized circul-ation and even after the chanqeover to sedentary wet rice

t94

cul-tivation, temporary movements outside the viIJ-age to harvest crops or to trade were common. Colonial rule resulted in many West Javans leaving their vill-ages to work for limited periods on plantations or in cj-ties. " The causes of mobility in the West Java context have been f

ound by Hugo (1975 ,

Some

a

I9'7

B) in his study of I4 viIIages.

findings of his study

\¡iere:

In aggregate level, economic factors are the main factor to inf l-uence peopJ-e to move. In indiviual level, decj-sions to move are influenced by i) the degree of uncertainty associated with movinq, ii) the normative context of the village society, and 1ii) the personal- characteristics of the migrant himself.

SimiJ-arly,

Saefullah (1991)

f

ound a

predominance of

economic factors infJ-uencing population movement in Java.

Regional

economic differentials

West

influence

the

potential- migrants in making the decision to move or to stay. However, migrants have made the decision to migrate after factors

they have considered the positì-ve in

both their

pJ-ace of

origin

and negative and that

destination (Lee, I966; Hugo, L9'78; Mantra, Harahab Sunarti, 1988)

"

of and

195

6.3 Population Mobility in Desa Sukasari In 1-992 0.1 percent

of Sukasarirs populat ion

(sB)

permanent inmiqrants

from

elsewhere,

r^rere

while an almost of the village

equal number (51¡ had moved out permanently during the year. However, many vil-l-agers

move

Table 6.3

Selected Economic and Education Facilities in Cianjur City and Sukasari Village, L992

Vilìage

markec shop

smaii shop

b¿nx (:ooperaLion

Iacrory

r<:pair

cinema

shoo

pr¿ce :oa re-

Cianjur City: Sawahgede Pamoyanàn

29 291

2I5

2

3

1

25

58

3

25

3

I

52

L29

1

2

2

4

1

r86

100

6

I

.t5

1

150

96

1

4

i8

3

532

48

1

5

4

5

68

25

6

1 1

Bojongherang Muka SoJ-

okpandan

Sayang

Limbangansari Mekarsari

Sukasari Village

6 1

3

2

41

1

Primary School

2

1

2

9

Junior liiqh School

Senio¡ Hiqh School

tsLKl

)

i)usâL- Pes¿rìPTKI pusaL r,ren2) AgenLkursus

ivlosque Cl'ì:.:rch

Cianjur CiLy: Sawahgede Pamoyanan

15

15

1

11

I

6

Bojongberang

10

2

Muka

1

Solokpåndan

8

Sayang

e

Limbangansari

5

Mekarsari

4

Suka

sa

ri

6

10 3

1

B

2

2

69 47

2

2

58

4

2

10

4

85

4

4

3

1

3

9

1

1

Note: 1) BLK:Job Training Centre.' 2) Pesåntren=Religious boarding school Source: FieId daLa, OcLober 1992

-ll

196

vilJ-agers move temporarily outside the vilJ-age to work or attend

education

Cianjur

City

institutions/

especialJ-y in

nearby

where, âS Table 6.3 shows, there

are

a

substantial- number of work and education opportunities. The sample survey of 212 heads of households provides information

more

movement in

fifth

non-permanent population

regarding

Sukasari . Tabl-e 6.5 shows that

more thana

of working househol-d heads work outside the

viJ-J-age

(grenerally as commuters) Most of the 'movers' are males who work as civil servants (13%), private employees , or seJ-f-employed/traders (21 .1%) . Most of the tmoversr to other provinces go to Jakarta. This city can (59.3%)

be reached in two and a half hours from Sukasari using publ-ic transportation

(about 131

km)

.

Table 6.4: P1ace of l{ork of Working Household Place of

fn In In In In

Return Work

the village other village other district other regency other province

Total-

Not working

Non-OCW

OCW

Ma-l-e Femal-e MaIe Female T4 3 1 1

:

145

9

1,'7

1

3

1

24 3

1

10

14

20L

10

I2

Source: Field data, October

I992

Toral I'7

L

2I

22

(

% )

( /b

0% )

(9

3%

5

('7 t)

1%) 22',)

T2

(s

3% )

L6

T4

2

Heads

)

2'72

(100.0%)

47

(17.3%)

197

The survey found that

during I919-1992 there h/ere

350

overseas contract workers in Desa Sukasari (86 males

and

264 femal-es) . Most of them (16 males and 264

femal-es

Malaysia. Of the total

,I%) went to Saudi Arabia ) and other countries mostly to (9'7

OCWs,

there \^iere I41 returnees

(54

mal-es, 93 femal-es) who \^/ere all staying in the village.

6

4 The Process of fnternational Labour Migration From Desa Sukasari

The discussion in Chapter Two has shown t.hat the causes labour migration are complex. The puII of international factor j-n receiving countries because of demand for immigrant Iabour apparently does not aJ-ways make people want to work overseas. A desire to work abroad is not sufficient factors.

since working overseas depends on many other The maj-n reasons for international-

economíc (Kols and Lewison,

1983

z 245) . Most migrants jobs and higher

move because they expect to find better r¡ragies at

the destination.

approach suggests that, occurs as a result

o

The NeoclassicaÌ

international

economics

labour migration

f the di f f erent ial

employment conditions

migration are

between countries

in \4rages which

workers from a low wage or low employment country to to a hiqh wage/plentiful

and

cause move

employment country (Wood, f982;

Cl-ark, I986; Massey, 19BB; Hugo, I99I,

1993a; Massey, et

198

âI.,

1993). In Desa Sukasari the volume of people working

in the agricuJ-tural

sector is decreasing, and are

active in looking for non-agricultural-

more

work than before.

Moreover, the work overseas has been seen by Sukasari's popuJ-ation as an opportunity to obtain work which could not be obtained in their

homel-and.

However, according to Piore (I9'7923, I6-I1), is only caused by pull ie.(a

factors

in receiving

immigration

countries

chronic and unavoidable need for foreign workers)

and is not caused by push factors As he points

out,

"the

respond to the attraction

in sending countries.

migration

process. . . seems to

of the industrial

countries.

"

The receiving countries, because they have a shortage of workers , recru j-t them f rom other count r j-es . EmpJ-oyers in receiving countries need Iabour for;obs

that the native

workers refuse to accept. In other words, international Iabour migration is driven by conditions of Ìabour rather

demand

than supply. Without l-abour shortages in other

countries,

workers will-

not

migrate

across national

borders.

The basic cause of international l-abour migration is simple: workers go to other countries because, according to the perception of the workers (based on the information avail-able to them) , in the country of

199

destination

there are greater opportunities (and not vj-ce versa)

region of origin

than in their

Although there

may

in the place of origin,

if there is not any 'pul-I ' in the country of destinat j-on, people will not move for work to that country. "The major, perhaps the be a'push'

sole, foreign

which determines migration

factors'

'pufI

empJ-oyment is

wages/salaries

offered

vast

the for

foreign

differences

for

between

jobs compared with

those in Sri Lanka" (Athukorala, 1990:330) In Indonesia, low wages and high under- and unemployment will

not cause

Indonesian workers to move abroad for work if there is no demand for labour in another country. Huqo (1993a:65) has pointed out that

"it

would appear that fabour shortages

are becoming more wídespread in

the

rapidly

Malaysian economy. . on the other hand, the Indonesia

to

supply

those

labour

growing

forces

shortfall-s

in are

increasinq in significance".

for overseas mÍgration to occur since international- labour migration depends on many other factors. For example, gtovernment poJ-icies directed at foreign workers in origin and destination countries can be influential. State poJ-icies of both receiving and sending countries have played a rol-e in shaping migration patterns and processes in the region (Abella, I99I:22-23,29). Regulation of entry However, a desire to move is not sufficient

200

through border controfs

and the balancing

of

labour

markets through visas and work permits are some of the obstacles confronting workers wishing to enter a country for employment. On the other hand, some of t.he obstacles facing workers Ieaving their controls

through

passport

country include emigration issuance,

cl-earance procedures and restrictions

taxation,

exit

on emigration to

some countries of employment. Burma for example, bans the

recruitment

of alI

female workers except professionals,

whereas Saudi Arabia,

in

its

Fourth Development PIan,

1985-1990, sets out as one of its

main objectives,

a

reduction in the number of foreign workers. The available empJ-oyment

Arabians

opportunities

(RDCMD-

Looking at

the

could then be taken up by Saudi

YTKI, I9B6:15-11) reasons for

.

working

overseas

among

returned OCWs in Sukasari vilJ-age, the expectation

of

obtaining higher income h/as given as the main reason for migratÍng overseas (Table 6.5). just

for obtaining work, but

Working overseas is not rather the most important

reason is for obtaining a higher income than they could obtain in the home area. However, the decision to work overseas was gieneral ly made by the not by their

families.

be made between the

OCWs

themsel-ves and

Here, a differentiation decision

to

needs to

work overseas

and

20t

permission from the family,

especially

from the head of

the family.

Table 6.5: Reasons for Working Overseas (Returned OCWs) Main Reason

Obtaininq work Obtaining more income Obtaining experiences Pilgrimage to Mecca Havingr Other

a

Mal-e

FemaIe

22 .6

aa

35. s

I6.I

1,9

.4

6.4

house

Total

Femal-e

3.2

11.9

B

3.2

0

J.¿

25 .8

6.8 39.0 5.1 r0 .2 r6 .9 100.0

B

1) IJ.

6

15. 6.

3

Dontt know/not stated

12 .9 25 .8 25 .8

100.0

100.0

100.0

n=3

n=5

n=3

1

Reason

MaIe

30. 5

q

Other

9

1

r0.2

n=5 9

Source: Field data, I992 Note: There are some vill-agers working overseas for purposes, such as the medicinal treatment particular expenses of a household member or for the celebration of the khitanan (circumcision) of their son.

fn I984, Adi (1986) made a study of 51I Indonesian OCVùs who v/ere working in Middle Eastern countries. He found that most of the Indonesian OCWs had two objectives, which were t.o gain more earn,ings and have an opportunity to make the pilgrimage to Mecca (see also Bethan, 1993:81-). Most were employed before migrating to work in

the Middle Eastern countries.

202

To

understand

migration,

it

the is

cause

international

labour

understand the

socio-

of

necessary to

economic conditions of the migrants at the place origin.

Obviously

there

is

a

significant

between popuj-ation mobiJ-ity, social- change

inter-relationship

economic development

and

, I982a; Hugo, €t. âf. , 7981; Mantra, I981; Bandj-yono, 198 B,' Manning, Maude and Rudd, I989; (Hugo

Guest, l-99]-) .

In Desa Sukasari (see Chapter Five), while there is a tendency (especiall-y amonq the young villagers) for people to prefer to work in the non-aqricul-tural sector, the opportuníties in this sector are limited. This situation is one of the factors which causes Sukasari vilJ-agers to move out of the village to work in other pJ-aces, incJ-uding overseas countries. A decreasing proportion of people work in the agricultural- sector because of the decline in land avail-abl-e for agriculturalactivity due to the growth in population, J-abour displacing ínnovations in agriculture an increase in housing development, the tendency of people to have greater respect for a non-agricultural- rather than an agricultural- occupation and the increase in the participation of women ín economic activity, are some of the factors which have infl-uenced Sukasari's population to make the decision to work overseas. Making the

203

pilgrimage to Mecca was a second reason for them working in Saudi Arabia (Table 6.5). It is generally because of the the lack of money that. people are unable to fulfill of rslam (that is, to make ¡rilgrimage r-o f if th pillar Mecca), but by working in Saudi Arabia means they have the opportunity to do so. The pilgrimage to Mecca is one of the needs of life for a Moslem as ari act of devotion. The main reasons for working overseas were similar for both males and females, however looking at their other reasons, making¡ the pilgrimage was mostly given as [he second. main reason for females working in Saudi Arabia. The second reason for males is both the pilgrimage to Mecca and

obtaining exPeriences.

A survey by DoralI and Paramasivam (1-992 ) of illegal Indonesian OCWs in Malaysia found that Ehe main source of information about the work situation in Malaysia and migration possibilities were from friends and relatives (word of mouth, letLers written home, and return visits to home). Friends and relatives not only provided informaLion, but could also be counted upon for materj-al and financial support, and most import.antly became guides

to the process of entering, and finding a job in Malaysia. This is consistent with the social network explanation to migrration which argues that, internaLional Iabour migration increases with the closeness of Lhe

204

rel-ationship between those in the countries of origin and destination, for example having a brother, a cousin, a neighbor, or a friend in the receiving country (Massey, et â1., 1993) . Social- networks, according to Hugo (1993a, I994b), have

a

central- role in sustaining migration between Indonesia and Mal-aysia, but it is not only the l- inks with individual range of

family

members,

destinations

empJ-oyers as

but

relatives often

and friends

at

a

al-so wj-th potential

weIl.

"WhiIe networks have an important function of informing potential new migrants of the availability or Iack of of job opportunities, one of the most availability features of the networks established by important role is the they have in sustaining population migrants quite independently of ob¡ective economic fl-ows (Hugo, I994b:28) . and destination" in origin conditions Having family or friends in the country of destination makes prospect.ive migrants feel secure. In Desa Sukasari 44.5 percent of returned OCWs had contacts with family or friends before they went abroad (Table 6.6). However, since most female OCWs in Saudi Arabia worked as housemaids and h/ere not free to go outside of the house

of their employer, this

h¡as

not such an important factor.

205

Table 6.6: Having Family/Relatives or Friend.s Overseas Before ReÈurned OCWs went Overseas for Work Having family/ relat ives / friends

Returned

Male

Female

OCW

Total

9o

lyl Relat ives Friends Don't have

7

I'7

24

6

I6

26

10 1-4

36

50

55 5

Total

31

59

90

100.0

Fami

Source: Field Data ,

I1

B

L992

In this case, the flow of OCWs from Desa Sukasari rs more likely to be influenced by the situation which Massey and Espana ( 1987 ) have pointed out, where people in a community from which many members have migrat.ed and in which a largre stock of foreign experience has accumulated, are more 1ikely to migrate abroad than people from a community in which international miqration is reJ-atively uncommon. Having a brother, cousin, neighbor, ot friend in t.he receiving country, is likeJ-y to be a more important cause of illegal international movement. Legal migrant.s who are under work contracts which usually involve g'overnments of origin and destination countrj-es, have no need to worry about for example, material and financial support, a place to live or obtaining work.

206

Relating

to

pointed

out

the nature of movement, Hugo (1978) it

that

is

fallacious

to

characterise

Sundanese people as being almost totaJ-J-y static. Sundanese traditional

advi-ce to their

to migrate merantau is as follows: pindah lampian"

"kudu bisa pindah cai

(Mustapa, 1991:I12)

dest.ination must be able t.o adjust destÍnation.

Besides that,

The

people who intend which means that

Sundanese peopJ-e who want to be safe in their

their

has

pJ-ace of

to the culture

of

Sundanese people must

"nyawa giagaduhan banda sasampeuran", which means that they must be able to be loyal to their

employer.

These

two pieces of advice sugqest that for Sundanese people j-t has been the custom to move (merantaut) since the time of their forefathers

(nenek moyang)

.

In order to obtain overseas work, there is a cost to be paid by OCW candidates. The amount of money paid and the time spent in arranging the departure varies from perso,n to person . Tempo (No. 14, 2 June I9B4 ) stated that to obtain work overseasr âñ OCW candidate has to pay Rp 150,000 (about US$ 100 at that time) to the middleman. Konpas (4 March 1990) conducted an investigation into thís fee and found that a middl-eman in Sumenep, Madura, asked Rp 300,000 from OCW candidates. According to the t The term merantau is most commonÌy applied in Indonesia to spontaneous out- migration of the Minangkabau people from their homeland of West Sumatra (Naim, I919\ .

201

middleman, that Sumenep to

money was only for

The

Jakarta.

OCW

transportation

from

candidate had to pay the

PPTKI (agent for overseas employment) in Jakarta a total of about Rp I ,'7 5 0, 0 0 0 . Kompas reported that the l-owest fee that had to be paid to a middleman in Surabaya was Rp 200,000, whereas in Bogor it reached Rp 400,000. A survey by

Manpower Development and

the

Research Center,

Indonesian Manpower Department (1991) found that the cost which had to be paid by 100 femal-e OCW households before migrating ranged between Rp 350,000 and Rp 800,000 (Table 6.'/) , however in Desa Sukasari most of the returned had paid l-ess than Rp 350,000.

Table 6.7

Administration Cost Paid by Female OClil Households Before Female OCYÍs Depart Owerseas by Region

Cost

Jakart

rupiah)

350-s00 500-650 650-800

6

>

a

Java

6

* Mal-e

Tot

Java

5 5

10

40 10

2

1B

4

Total Note:

East

West

DKT

(in thousand

800

OCW

30

64

al

Desa

Sukasari West Java

15 29 42 10

35

4

100

)x\ '7*)

4

1*)

6

B*)

59

(29*)

OCWs

Penelitian dan I99I:65; Field Data,

Source: Pusat

Pengembangan Tenaga 1

992

11*)

1 1

Kerja,

208

These facts

contradict

what the

Head of

Office

for

Overseas Empj-oyment (Pusat AKAN), Indonesian Department of Labour claims, which is that for working overseas the OCW

does not need to pay anything because the employer

overseas pays all

of the costs

(Kompas, 4 March 1990;

Plate 6.1). Moreover, the agent for overseas employment wil-I obtain a profit OCW

from the overseas employer for each

that they send, but because of competition between

aqencies, this

situation

no J-onger happens. "Competition

among Iabour exporting countries,

which is now becoming

more keen, makes some of the l-abour exporting countries begin to lower the prì-ce each time and travel- costs are borne by exportinq countries"

(Adi , I9B'7a:.2)

.

In the case of Desa Sukasari, after people obtained inf ormatlon about overseas empJ-oyment, the process of finding overseas work can be expJ-ained as fol-lows: ) After they obtained information about working overseas, they made the decision to work overseas (by themseÌves or after discussion with their spouse) (1

(2) The

candidates went to the government agency of -iabour (AKAN) directly or through a middleman overseas OCW

and applied toqrether

with

overseas work.

for a

The OCW candidates,

middJ-eman, arranged

the

required

209

documents (including

skills

test)

before departure.

The

amount of time required to arrange the departure

was

between less than a month and more than 6 months, but mostly (38.6%) about 31-60 days (Table 6.9) . In many cases they had to stay in a dormitory/barracks agency while

waiting

receiving training

for

their

departure

or

of the while

for the ;ob they woul-d do overseas.

Plate 6.1 Looking for Owerseas Employment: ft is Easy (the poster explains the steps of overseas employment arrangements in fndonesia)

210

Table 6.8: Translation from Poster of Plate 6.1 l.

You must be legaÌly considered as an aouLL. AdulL means lB years o.Id ånd over or wbo bave ever married.2-You musL be abLc:o rcad and wrìt-e.3.You musL be spiritually physica'ry and neaÌchy.

Number i to 3 are basic reclri re rnenLs wl-c1 ::¿¡ve Lo be proceed to Lhe nexL sLâges of applicaLion.

f

ulf rì ic:t:

bcf <>re yc,.

c¿î

j.nformaLion aL che l-oca.L office You bave to Ìook far of Lhe DeparLmenL of Manpower" If you can noL do iL or you have difficulLies, you can do it Lhrough che head of your local community IRL/Rw) or head of your vi I lage. The officers should noL make other rules that can cause pung)i (thaL is a tariff which is col-l-ected withour proper legal authoriLy). you have informaLlon 5. After from Lhe locaL office of Lhe DepartmenL of Manpower, you have Lo make an application Lo a legal recruiLing company (PPTKI),For tbis you sbouÌd not pay anyLhing. 6. After your appÌication is accepLed by Lhe PPTKI, you have Lo 9o Lo Lhe nearesL community bealch cenLre (Puskesmas) for a healrh examin¿tiorr, 7. AfLer you pàss the medicaÌ examinaLlon you wi L1 be brought Lo ¿ work Lraining cenLre crained Ior Lhe lBalai LaLihan Kerja) co be appropriately overseas jobs. These training cent-r-es .nusL be licenseC l>y l.he lvltnlstry cí Manpower.In Lhe centre, you wilÌ be lrainecl in (a) r.-h(ì orient-¿tion of t-he desLinaLion counLry änd (b) specilic skr:.1 s. AtLer,-r¿ining, you wi.Li be LesLed by Lhe examiner board. AfE.er you pass Lhe examinaLion, you wiii be given a conLracL or a IeLLer of promj-se for work. You musL read carefully the conLracL IeLLer. I I you agree with Lhe condiLions you should sign ir.

9. Aft.er you already have a work conLract, you can apply for a passporL and social security (ASTEK) membership, alÌ of whic h should be pa i
While you are j-n another counLry you have Lo careful ¿o proLect- fhe good name of people and naLion. the Indonesian Obey a-lÌ regular-ions whrch apply Lo workers. !,le must have the moLLo TRADIMAS ('tranptl, RAjin, DIsiplin, MAwaSdjri), which means thaL a worker musL have skiLI, diligence, discipline, and introspection.

(3) On the journeyt, nine of 90 returned OCWs said that they had had an unpl-easant experience because they felt frightened in the airplane and alv/ays remembered their ' Mass media in Indonesia have often reported the travelIndonesian OCWs, (especiall-y those experiences of t.ravelling by boat), their successes and failures, (Pelita 20-27 August 19BB), happiness and suffering, Media Indonesia (6 August 1992), Kompas (29 November r992)

21t

family which they had Ieft behind. When they arrived in the country of destination, eight OCWs had unpleasant experiences, because their employers were late in picking them up. Meanwhile they coul-d not communicate with the l-ocaI people because of language problems and did not know where they had to go. One OCW \^/as only picked up by her employer after 2 days. Table 6.9 Day

Time Consumed in Departure Preparation for Overseas Work

Returned

25

1,2r-r50

181

30.1 38.6 19.3 6.0

32 16 5 T I 3

30- 60 61-90 9L-120

151-

ó

OCWs

18 0 >

TotaI

I.2 I.2

3.6

B

Source: FieId Data, I992

6.4.1 The Decision to Migrate The decision to miqrate, it

is argued, is often made by

the family because the money that migrants send home to and diversifies

adds

the famity income (Wood, I9B2z3I2,314;

Kols and Lewison, 1983: 245; Hugo, 1993c: 6-1; StaIker, 1994:33) " However, the decision

al-so often

made by the

to move or to stay is

individual

actor

him/herseIf"

212

Nevertheless, in the decision to move, the infl_uence of other members of the household cannot be ignored. When the Sukasari returned migrants \^iere asked "who made the decision to work abroad for the first time?", generally thelr

answers were that it was made by themselves

and

not

by

the

family, although

respondents decided together 6.10) .

Moreover,

those

with

17.

percent

B

their

(1 6.1%)

spouse

who made the

of

(Tabl_e

decision

by

themselves v/ere asked "when you made the decision to work overseas, did you feel- that there was any person who infIuenced?" Most of them (92.2%) vùere not influenced by others in making their decision and only 1.8 percent said that

they were influenced

Before the prospective

by their

OCWs

spouse or friend.

make their

decision to work

overseas, senior members of the family (usuaJ_ly the ol_der males) are often involved (Hugo, I994b:2L) . They can have a key rol-e in giving permission to the prospective

OCWs

to work overseas. Accordi_ng to the Indonesian law (pusat AKAN, 1992) someone cannot

\^/ithout (a letter

guardian/ husband/ wife. work overseas in economic conditions, J-iving.

overseas

for

permission from his/her

of)

family generalJ-y, will

go

work

parent/

In Sukasari, the head of the

not order his wife or children to

order

to

or to

survive

under difficult

improve their

standard of

2t3

Table 6.10:

Return Migrants by Decision to glork Overseas

Decision to

Move

o

n

Themselves

6

/õ. I

69 L6

Together with Spouse Together with parents Total-

17.

B

5

5.5

90

100.0

Source: FieId data, I992 Therefore,

t.he decision to work overseas in Sukasari

be l-argely considered to the family in this

be

context,

an rc

can

individual decision, and required only to support

ir. 6.4.2 The Role of Middlemen theory argues (Chapter Two), private

As institutional institutions

and voluntary

Manpower Supplier,

satisfy

organisations

(

Indonesian

brokers and middlemen) have arisen to

the demand created by an imbalance between the

J-arge number of people who seek jobs and the receiving

country who seek workers (Massey, €t al., have

facilitated

international

Iabour

1993) " They

migration

by

Íncreasing the a\^rareness of overseas ¡obs, organising the actuaf migration, and providing loans (see Hugo, I993a; Spaan, I994) . I-n Desa Sukasari, the middlemen have important rol-e in providing financial

an

support " They first

pay al-I of the necessary costs which are required in the process of

working overseas. The OCWs pay back the

214

middl-emen

an

amount

twice that or much higher than the

Ioan, depending on the duration of the loan.

between them and the

agreement

In Desa Sukasari, according to returned OCWs, who were f inancially supported by middl-emen (TabIe 6. 11) , most of their loans \^/ere l-ess than Rp 350,000. Some 38.9 percent of returned OCWs said that when they were going to go overseas for work they borrowed money from a middleman, 41 . B percent used their o\^/n money and 13 . 3 percent borrowed from others in the family.

TabLe 6.11: Total of Loan to be Paid Back to Middlemen, Desa Sukasari Loan

Returned

OCWs

%

24

6B

6

4

11

4

350-500 s00-6s0 6s0-800

3

B

6

2

5

1

800

>

2

5

1

Total

35

Source: FieId Data, I992

100.0

215

Unfortunately

the

those middlemen in recruitment

of

researcher was unable to order

OCWs, the

recruitment

fee,

recruitment,

and their

to

interview

the process of

confirm

amount and the use of

their

rol-e

in

relationship

middlemen \^rere not available

process with ppTKI.

the

of Two

each time the researcher

went to their interviewed

the

home. One middleman did not want to and according to the informants, it

be was

because there \,vas compet it ion between them in recruit ing workers.

In Desa Sukasari there are three middlemen (al1 of them residents) and it seems that the rel_ationship between OCWs and the

middÌeman does not present

a problem.

Formerly, these middlemen were active in looking for candidates. They of fered work overseas wi_th high and lighL work. Over a third the first information important

of returned.

OCWs

said that

came from

mi-ddlemen. Friends

as a source of

information OCWs

are

also

about working said that they

found out about working overseas from a friend .

r^iages

time they knew about working overseas, the

overseasr âS 36.1 percent of returned 6.r21

OCW

(TabIe

2t6

Table 6.L2: The First Source of Information Àbout lÍorking Overseas and the Content According to Returned Migrants

INFORMATION OBTAINED

Offer of work offer of work overseas with overseas with high wage high wage and light work

Source of

information Newspaper

I

Depart of Labour

4

Radio

go

Friend

overseas

r

4

1

13

5

)

11 13 11

9

3

35

1

Total-

43

Source: Field Data ,

1,992

and middlemen have facilitated the

a\^rareness of

overseas,

providing

migration"

(Spaan

During field

ansvre

I1

Other

increasing

other/ no

1

Middl-eman

"Brokers

saw the neighbour

loans

migration

by

employment possibilities

and organising

the

actual

, L994:I0'7) .

work, it was observed that the middlemen in

Desa Sukasari had no need to Ìook for

OCIIù

candidates,

because the vilJ-agers who wanted to work overseas came to them and asked for help. This \^/as a changing sÍtuation

it

seems that

people in

the village

as

now know about

working overseas and do not need to be encouraged by middlemen. The Sukasari middlemen work in with overseas labour suppJ-iers in Jakarta.

cooperation

217

A middl-eman in Indramayu, West Java, had a representative in each viIJ-age to rcatch' OCW candidates. For each OCW candídate, the middleman received Rp 50,000 from the

Rp

350,000 that \^ias paid by the candidate. Rp 50,000 \^ias paid for arranging the surat keLakuan baik (good behaviour certificate)

and other documents and the rest

of the money (Rp 250,000) was paid to the agent for overseas employment in Jakarta (Kompas, 4 March 1990).

6.5 Conclusion The causes of international population mobility from Sukasari was not only because people moving spontaneousl_y J-ooking for a better place to Ìive, but also because of other factors such as the government programs to move people overseas " Thus both macro- and micro-structural condltions may infl-uence the individual to move overseas. Opportunity for improvement of the individual and famify's economic situation are incentives that determine proqress through the decisiqn-making stage (Fawcett and Arnold (1987a) "

MiddÌemen are the peopJ-e who connect the OCW candidates

to the employers. Middlemen in Sukasari have an important ro-Le, not only in facilítating

the prospective migrants,

218

but al-so as are a "bank" where prospective migrants can borrow money to pay the cost of the journey overseas (al-beit with a relativeJ-y "high" interest rate) . However, wíthout them, it was impossibl-e f or people in Desa Sukasari to get opportunities to work overseas. This important role of middl-eman has been pointed out by Spaan (1994:109) who said that "brokers and middl-emen have facilitated migration by increasing the awareness of employment possibil-ities overseas, providing l-oans and organising the actual migration". However, there are negrative aspects as welÌ.

Chapter Seven IMPACT OF INTERNATIONÀL IJABOUR MIGRATION: THE I¡ÍDIVIDUÀI-, IJEVEIJ OF A}IAI-,YSIS

7.L IntroducEion In examining the impact of international labour migration at the individual level one has to be cognì-zant of the varying' characteristics of those individuals - their socio-economic status, education level, âg€, gender and even personality can influence both their propensity to move and the consequences of the move for Lhem. In this chapter the focus is particularly upon the demoqraphic, social, economic and welfare impacts of international labour migration upon OCW's from West Java. At. the outset it is necessary to establish the characteristics of movers since this has a significant influence upon the way migration impacts upon them. In assessing the impact of overseas labour migration upon individuals one of the crucial dimensions is the degree of success they achieve financially. However measuringr this success is not a simple matter since perceptions of success can differ between individuals and groups and the perceptions of the success of an individual can vary between different observers of the same individual. The

220

structural- framework for the analysis in thj-s chapter is adapted from Hugro's work (I9B2a, 1985a, 1-987) . Only some selected aspects of the international labour mj-gration impact are studied here since al-1 of the elements in Hugro's framework are not appropriate for the examination of OCWs in the Indonesian context. It is important to adopt an individual level of analysis since, âs was shown in the last chapter much of the motivation to move comes from the miqrants themselves. The impact upon those individuals depends t.o some extent on the characteristics of miqrant s, t.heir type of employment etc . Hence it is important at the outset to make some analysis of the characteristics of the migrant workers leaving rndonesia. 7.2 Demographic Characteristics of 7

OCWs

.2.1 Gender Selectivity

According to the United Nations, about half of all int.ernational migrants in the world are women (Shah, 1993:10). In Indonesia, the ratio of males per hundred females among official OCWs fe11 sharply from L4L in I9B3/84 to 79 in 1,984/85, 44 in 1985/86 and 29 i-n I7BB/89 (Hugo , I992a:1-82) . Recent data from AKAN shows that f emales are dominant. j-n international labour migration out of fndonesia: the ratio of males per 100 females was 35 in L989 / 90 , '72 in I990 / 9]-, 48 in 1991 / L992 and. 59 in

221

1992/93. The increasing volume of Indonesian female international labour migrat.ion, is important because of the linkages between the mobility and the changes which are occuringr in t.he roles and statuses of women (Hugo ,L992a)

.

in Desa Sukasari where of the t.otal- number of overseas contract workers at t.he end of L992 of about 382 persons, 70.2 percent were female. It is apparent that. t.he demand for female workers in many receiving: countries is gireater than for males, especially in the Middle East countries (RDCMD-YTKI , I9B6:1-01) . The fndonesian qovernment, unlike several other countries in Lhe region has encouraged the international labour migration of women Lo work in the domestic service sector Moreover, sending female workers is more attractive to Indonesian Manpower Suppliers than sending males ( see Abella, 1990 1-4) . fn Indonesia there is a policy thaL employers in receiving countries must pay Lhe cost of sending Indonesian workers abroad. Employers in Saudi Arabia, for example, have to pay US$870 for a male worker and US$1,350 for a female worker (RDCMD-YTKI, 1986:L62). This money is paid to t.he recruiter f or a plane ticket (US$600 ) , travel documents (US$170 ) , recruiting fee (US$100 for mal-es, and US$300 for females), barracks fee for females (US$100) and development and training fee for Female OCWs outnumber males

222

females (US$150). For the recruiting fee for a female worker on1y, a recruit.ing agent can obtain three times the amount they receive for a maJ-e worker (Temtrso, 2 .luni L984:13 ) . However, because of strong competition between (Rural Development Foundation, labour recruiters L992: lB7 ) , the system has changed and recruiters are charging employers in Saudi Arabia much lower fees and making up the difference by charging the worker applicants a fee. Accordinq to [he Ministry of Manpower Regulatrons (Peraturan Menteri Tenaga Kerja Nomor: Per-07/MEN/1991 Tentang Antar Kerja Antar Negara) , recruiters are responsible for the costs of sending Indonesian workers overseas and are prohibited from collecting money from the Minister of Manpower OCW candidates, except if determines otherwise. The fact, âs one of the Directors of a recruit.ing agency said publicly, a male oCW candj-dat.e has to pay Rp. 1,500,000 to PPTKr while a female pays only Rp. 400,000 (Tempo, 19 December 1992) . The government has not enforced at all its regulations prohibiting recruiters f rom collecting f ees f rom OCI/ü candidates. Whatever the reason, recruit.ers are profit making institutions and they often seek to maximize their profits by sending more females than males " Hence, the

223

recruiters themselves have played a significant role encouraginq female internatíonal labour migration.

IN

In the survey village it was pointed out that many mal,es in the village wanted to go overseas to work, but the cost is high and they could not afford to pay it. To apply for overseas work, males have to pay the equivalent of about US$900 to agients, while f emal-es pay only about US$250. It is similar in other countries like Sri Lanka, where agents' fees are lower for women than for men(Shah, 7993: 11 ) .

that the demand for females in the Middle East countries is high, in L986/81 90 percent of the richest Kuwaiti households with incomes of US$6,800 or more a month had at least one domestic worker and onethird of the Kuwaiti households with i-ncomes less than US$850 a month had at least one domestic worker (Shah, L993:1-2) . According to the Rural Development Foundation (L992:222), for workers with no skills domestic work in Saudi Arabia is reqarded as the only available employment open for them. The flow of Asian female migrants from Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India and the Philippines to the Middle East involves annually some 95,000 women migratingr through leqal channel-s and another 50, 000 t.o 60, 000 mi-gratj-ng clandestinely (Abella, t990; Shah, l-993) By way of illustration

.

224

Malaysia, Sinqapore and Hong Konq are afso significant destinations for many Indonesian female OCWs to work in domestic service. There also is however, some demand for nurses, professional-/ skilled workers and entertainers. Dorall and Paramasivam ( 1992 : 35 ) have explained that, "women mig:rant workers are likely to be increasingly in demand in the Malaysia of the 1990s as domestic helpers, service workers in restauranLs, shops, petrol stations and cleaners, etc." However, Indonesian domestic workers small in number compared wich in Malaysia are still Filipino maids (Figure 1.I) .

Each year around 62,000 women leave from the Phillippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand to Honq Kong, Sinqapore, Malaysia, Brune j- and .Tapan to work as housemaids and service workers in hotel-s and restaurants. The flow of Filipino and Thai women has been 35,000 a year, most of them leaving to work maì-nly as entertainers in Japan where, in 1988, '7I,000 Filipi-no women were and admiLLed 1egal1y. The migration of skilled professional women (doctors, nurses ) , salespersons, clerical workers from the Philippines, Korea and Indiato the Gulf countries has involved at least some 28, 000 Filipino liomen (mostl-y nurses ) . Asian women migrating to AusLralia, Canada, the Unit.ed St.ates and Europe, have numbers that are estimated to be 14,000 to 18,000

ll.5

mrgrattnq thrcugh

legally

and 35,000 to

irreqular

suçrqested [hat

50,000 are migr-acing

channels (Shah,1993) . more than 320, 000

wcr:-{ers ever}z }zear, the wrthin Asia ( Shah , L993 :11 )

ma

j

As

II

has

been

j_an women migrare as

t_o other

ority

countrres

.

Figure 7.L Employment of Foreign Maids from Ind.onesia in Malaysia

o*

5

-+-

¿+

J+

2-'

l-

1985

ì98ó

I

r987 ¡¡¡ooruesl¡1.¡

Ì

v¡los

988

t

vær

ì989

,9ç0

¡luqlo v¡los

Source: Dorall and paramasivam, L992:27

ì99t

226

is suggrested that international labour migration, (Hugo, 1,98J , L992a, 1-993d; Lim, 1990) enhances the status of women and increases the level of modernity. In the Indonesi-an situation this issue has to be looked at carefully. The status and the roles of women in rndonesia as a producer or member of the paid or unpaid l-abour force, wife, mother, housewife, kin, community member and as an individual (Lim, 1990:7), differ from one ethnic group to another. Hugro (I992a:L75) has pointed out that: It

The enormous cul-tural-, ethno-linguistic, economic and to generalise about the rol-es and status of women and how this is changing with the rapid shifts occurring in Indonesia's economy and society. " "

geographícal diversities make it difficult

Traditionally Desa Sukasari has a patriarchal system with the male as head of the household leading household life, having official possession of, and control over resources of the household and decision maki-ng. However, rapid social and economic change in Indonesia has led to a decrease in the strength of patriarchal structures in f amilies (Hugro , I994b:5 ) . With respect to this issue, labour this study analyses whether international migration will reduce this gender inequality. By worki-ng overseas, there is a separation between the OCW and spouse, making one partner a sì-ngle parent for a period of time. In t.he case of Desa Sukasari, of the

727

working ,abroad, 46.5

households who had OCWs stil-l percent were the spouse of t.he

OCW

parents

the

of

relationships. OCW

still

OCWs, with

the

Some

and

45

.4 percent were

remainder in

other

26.3 percent of households who had

working abroad, were headed by a woman.

an

The

proporLion of "female headshipl among' return households where the OCW was the head of household was much higher (36.8%) than in non-OCW households (4.8%) or households with returned

OCWs

(see Table 7.I). household usually both

in

family

who were not the head of [he household

In the Indonesian context, headship of involves

sigrnificant

based decision

representing the family at village

a

responsibifities

making but

al-so in

meet.ings.

Female household headship in Indonesia is

significant (Hetler , 1986) and can originate from a number of causes. ft is clear from Tabl-e 7.1, that international labour miqration has had an influence on the headship rol-e of in women in OCW households. Their participation international labour migration shows other members of the household that they can and do play important I The headship of household here is the head of household on the basis of a de facto ( tfre 'head' of the family at the time of the survey) . fn a nuclear family (husbandwife-children) thre husband is considered as the 'head' of family (de jure)although he is absent. Thus, where the OCW is still working overseas, the spouse left in the place of origin is considered to be a de facto headship. Whereas in the case where OCWs have returned, they can bre a household head, if they are divorced or widowed.

22tl

breadwinning rol-es in the

f

ami1y. It

has been noted in

Sri Lanka, that migrant. women achieve higher status to their

economic activity

due

as they have become income-

earninq members of the household and community

(Spaan,

1989). In Desa Sukasari, where females became the head of household whil-e their husband's work abroad (26.3e.) , only one took up a job outside the household and she opened a

small shop (warung). However, these women generally had to Lake on additional

roles in the household which were

usually done by their absent husbands. Table

7

1 Headship of Households AccordÍng to T14pe Household by Gend.er and Average Age.

Respondent

Household type

Return OCW as a Head of Household Head of Return OCW

Household Head of Household who has OCW still Abroad Head of non-OCI¡,/ Household

Male Female Total (z)

Age

Of

Average N

63 .2

36.8*

100.0

36.6

3B

94.2

5.8

100.0

40 .4

52

73.1

26.3

100.0

44 .9

99

95.2

4.8

t-00.0

40.

B

B3

l_00.0 4r.6

212

82.1 L7.3 Total * 64.3 percent has divorced status. Source: Field Data , ]-992

7.2.2 Age SelectivÍty The age of female workers who are still working abroad is much younger than the age of males in that position. From the survey it was f ound that t.he average age of f emale OCWs is 10 years younqer (26 .9 years ) than males (36. j

)2e

years ) . This dif f erence is because OCWs

leave their

most male

OCWs

f emal-e

parents' household to qo overseas while

are the head of the households they leave.

A study by Pusat Penelitian Gadj

most of the

Kependudukan Universitas

ah Mada (l-986 : 18 ) showed that both male and

OCWs

f emal-e

from West Java were mostly aged 25-34 years old. In

Desa Sukasari the averag:e age of return

female workers

was 32.8 years old and for males 35.3 years old, while non-OCW household heads were older again (40.7 years old for males and 43.5 for females) (rable 1.2). Table 7.2 The Average Àge and. Age at First Marriage of OCWs and Non-OCW Household

by

Head

Gend,er AVERÀGE AGE

AVERÀGE

AGE

.A,T

FIRST MARRTAGE OCVII sÈí11

Return

Non-oCW

bousehold

Ret,urn

ocüI

still

working

ocvll

Male

36 "1 (22)

35"3(31-) 40.7(19)

22.7(Zt) l:.4(30)

Female

26

32.8(s9)

16

Total-

2e.L(99)

bead

overEeaa

.9

(7'7

)

43.s(4)

33.7(90) 40.8(83)

OClrI

workLng overgeas

.9

(64)

Non-oc!{I

household head

16

.2

(56)

18.2(85) 18.4(86)

24.8(7e) 18 . 0 (4

)

24.5(83)

Source: Field Data , 1992

Note= Number of cases given in brackets

Figure 1.2 shows Èhat Ehe age distribution of OCWs in the study does not differ from the distribution of fndonesian OCWs (Adi l-986). Thus, the age range of OCWs is mostly in

110

the productive age g-roup. Unfortunately Pusar- -\l{AN cÌo not produce age Cata for age of fndonesian

OCWs

OCWs

to allow us tc establisÌt

as a whole. Table ; . i alsc

that 1-he averaqe age at which they first

ihe shows

m¿Lrlied was, for

both male and f emale non-OCW household heacis, aboLrr tv¿o years older than

OCWs

and returned

Figure 7.2: The Age Structure of

OCWs.

OCWs

by

Gend.er

Sukosori OCWs.l992 50+

Femole

Mole

45-49

4+44 o)

o)

35-39

3G34 25-29

2ù24 I5-.l9

Source:

Field

n

r0

r0

20

30

Data ,1992 lndonesion OCWs,l984

50+

Mole

Femole

45-49 40.44 q)

o)

35-39

3G34 25-29

2G24

l5-r9 120

r00

80

Source:Adi,19B6

ó0

40

20

0

n

Q

231

7

.2.3 Marital Status

Table 1.3 shows that significant differences exist between the OCW population stil1 away and their returned counterparts with respect Lo their mariLal status and living arrang:ements. None of the f emale absentees v/ere household heads but a significant number of returnees were. It is especially noticeable thaL a significant proportion of female OCWs (especially among those still away) are currently divorced. Table

7

3

Àccording to Gender, the Stat,us of the Household. and. Marital Status.

OCWs

Returned

OCItVS

Status of Male household & tvlarital Status Head Spouse

Married

L2 43

Total 52 17

t)'7 \¿ t

q9\

. J o I

(40.8U ) (27 .5e.)

31

4I

3

4 3

5

i

4att

a')

1'7

31

59

189(100.0%)

20

4I

28

41

136

L 1

13 23

1_

3

1B

Unmarried

Divorced

Total

Male Female 25

t_5

Children Other member Total

Femal-e

OCWs

))

'7'7

2

31

A

tr,)

B

( 4.22) (12 . 0e")

( e.su)

9

35 (18.s%)

59

rB9(100.0u)

Source: Field Data , 1992

This points to a significant relationship between overseas labour migration and divorce. There has been discussion of absence of partners being a factor initiating divorce, but in Sukasari-, divorced women were

232

more likely

t.o go overseas partly because of their family

and economic situation. their

Many of these women move back to

parents' house upon divorce and left

for overseas

from that house. Hence, more than hal-f of women absent were children

but some 40 percent were currently

had left, left

of the household head of the family they

behind husbands and children.

note al-so that almost a fifth

It

is interesting

of those women still

have never been marrj-ed, yeL the offj-cial state that women OCWs

OCWs

married and to away

requlations

should be married. Almost all male

away are married and heads of the households

stíll

t.hey lef L.

are somewhat older than those still away and among women, a fifth are household heads but most are spouses of the household head. Some 15 percent were divorced at the time of Ehe survey. Most returned male OCWs, ofl the other hand are married household heads. These fi-ndings are similar Lo those of Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (1986:20) among oCWs j-n West Java. This situation has to be seen against the background of the tradj-tional pattern in West Java of marriaqe at young age and subsequent higfh rates of divorce amonq West .Java people (Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada, L9B6:20). At the 1-990 Census, the proportions of adults divorced in rural Returned

OCWs

233

reached 13.6 percent for females and 2.6 oo? percent for males (Biro Pusat Statistik,

West Java

-'l

LJJJ

\ I

"

the proportion of divorced persons in Desa Sukasari was high compared with the situation in rural- West .Java as a whole. The low proporLion of divorces among the heads of non-OCW households is partly associated with many divorced persons among them remarrying. It is apparent that the relationship between internaLional fabour migration and divorce is complex. High levels of divorce are as much a cause as a consequence of women working overseas in Desa Sukasari. Table 1.4 shows that

Table

7

4 Comparison of Percentage of Divorce Between Rural West Java, Sukasari Village and Sample Survey

%

of divorce

Rural West. .lava (1-97I Census) Rural West ,Java (1980 Census Rural West ,Java (1990 Census) Sukasari Village (Village Registration I99L) Non-OCW Household (sample survey L992) OCW Household (sample survey L992) )

Source: Biro Pusat Stat.istik, I914, L983, Fiel-d Data , 1992.

1.2 9.L 8.1 r0 .2 3.6 1)

)

1993

7.2.4 Level of Mod.ernity According to fnkeles and Smith (L974;76-25), modernity is a process of change of thinking, feelingr and attitude

by individual-s from traditional

to modern. Modernity of

2?4

an individual is measured by Inkeles and Smith using a number of j-ndicators as f ollows: . openness to new experience . readiness for social change (change orientation) . the realm of the growth of opinion . information . time orientation . the sense of efficacy . planning orientation . calculability . valuing of technical skil1 ¡ occupational and educational aspirations . awareness and respect for t.he dignity of others o particularism . optimism

(L974)

All of the concepts are linked to each other and form a 'modernity syndrome ' In t.his study, however, the level of modernity is measured in terms of (1) aspirations ín education and occupation, (2) change orientation, (3) the sense of ef f icacy , (4) f amily size, (5 ) kinshj-p obligations, and (6) attitudes toward women's rights. The differences in levels of modernity between returned OCWs, OCWs' households and non-OCWs' households hopefully can shed some light on the impact of international labour mi-gration on the changing of attitudes of OCWs and changes in their way of doing things.

23.s

It

is

difficult to determine whether someone rs a 'modern person' or a 'traditional person' To ident.ify the indj-vidual level of modernity of respondents, this study asked each respondent to respond to a number of statements (see questionnaire in Appendix 4) . Each statement had three possible answers which ranged from (scored 2) and traditional- (scored I), transitional modern (scored 3). The scores which were obtained for each respondent were added and the result meant that each respondent would score between L2 and 36 from the L2 statement.s/ questions. Furthermore, this scale, was (2) L9-25 = qrouped to become: (1) < 18 = traditional, transitional, (3) 26-32 = modern, and (4) 33 > modern in thinking, feeling and attitude.

Table 7.5 shows the frequency distribution of the modernity score of returned OCWs who were heads of househol-ds, heads of households which contained reLurned OCWs, heads of households which had OCWs working overseas and heads of non-OCW households. The table shows that the proportion of returned OCWs who were heads of households and heads of households who had returned OCWs was sliqrhtly higher in terms of modern attitudes than the heads of non-OCW households and heads of households who had OCWs still working overseas.

236

This suqgests that the thinking, feelingrs and attitudes of returned OCWs and the heads of households which contained returned OCWs are more modern compared with the others . However, test staListics show t.hat the differences between heads of OCW household and heads of non-OCW households are not significant in level of modernity (chi-Square .191-80, signif icance .661,4) .

Table 7.5 Moderníty Score of Respondents

Tradit ional (< 1B)

'.1'ransr-

Modern

(L9 -25

(26-32)

tional

Returned OCWs as head of household

23.1

)

11-.0

More modern

(33

5.3

Total

>)

100.0 n=3

of household of re-

B

Head

turned

OCWs

1-

23.r

.9

75.0

100.0 -_tr4 LL_JZ

Head of house-

hold of OCWs still abroad

32.3

64.7

3.0

Head of nonOCWs househol-d

30.1

61 .5

2.4

100.0

n-oo

100.0 n=83

Source: Field Data ,

]-992

Although from this evaluat.ion it seems t.hat international l-abour migration has not had a role in initi-atì-ng

an

increase in t.he level of modernity of OCWs, w€ have to consider that it is possible there was some chanqe in the attitude of OCWs after they worked overseas. As Hugo

237

pointed out 'some have sugrgrested that population mobility has been one of the major vehicles whereby increased commercialisation and a growing emphasis on individual-ism has been spread into ruralareas in Southeast Asj-a, often initiating major changes in traditional agrricultural- practices' The results of the present survey were inconclusive in this respect. (L982a: 196 )

7

.3 Socio-Economic Condition

7

.3.1 Income Level and Employment

The experience and money brought back from overseas provide a resource for the OCWs to utilize upon Lheir return. They can potentially use the experience and skills gained overseas for re-employment in their homeland and use the remittances for fulfilling their needs for a certain period, ot for investing in productive activities (Roonqshivj-n , L986; Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez, L986) . However, when returned OCWs in Desa Sukasarj- were asked "Do you think that your work experience overseas is useful for your work here in your vi11ag:e? ", only 32.2 percent of them said t.hat working overseas was beneficial for them. However, when they were asked "What do you think were the detrimental consequences for your househol-d resulting from your work

238

overseas?

" B1.1% suggested there was no detrimental

rmpact.

Since many of the job opporLunities overseas (especially

in Saudi Arabia) are in the domestic service sector, most returned oCWs said that the usefulness of working overseas was t.hat they became aware how the (rich) families look aft.er their households and how modern appliances vvere used in household chores. The cleanliness of the house, food, ways of looki-ng after the chi-l-dren, etc. which were different from whaL they knew before, were all new experiences for them. That they could now speak Arabic was al-so seen as a positive impact for Muslem OCWs since The Koran (The Holy Book of Islam) is written in the Arabic language. One returned OCW become a teacher of Arabic in Desa Sukasari. Another OCW often helped his neighbors or friends who had members working overseas in writing letters or in making a lonq distance call to Saudi Arabia (as a translator) .

The main perceived positive impact. of working overseas at

the individual level was that the miqrants received better wag:es compared with their place of origin. Logically, the OCW will not go to another country for work if helshe can find work with a good wage in his/her place of origin" Most. (92 " 6%) female OCWs worked as

239

domestic helpers overseas and there were only 4.4 percent

who worked as babysitters, whereas most of t.he males worked as drivers. Although they worked in low status

obs, they could obt.ain what was perceived to be hiqh incomes. Most returned OCWs (61-.3U ) had an income less than Rp. 100, 000 a mont.h while 96.9 percent of OCWs received more than Rp.200,000 a month while they were overseas (Table 7.6). j

Table

7

.6

The Income of OCWg whilst, Overseas and the Income of Returnees in Their Homeland

(in thousands)

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

.100

.301_-400

.40L >

Total

nZ

n

z

3

21

'7

69.r

3

L9

<

.101-200 "201-300

Returnee

ocw

Income

67

t6 t_

1_

16.5 11.3

9'7 100.0

L l-

31

6l_.3 .6

2.2,

9.1 <,)

3.2 100.0

Note: 2 OCWs and I Returnee had no answer, and returnees had no jobs yet. Source: Field Dat.a , 1992

58

Haji Mahbub (35 years old) is one of the returned oCWs in Sukasari village. fn his case, although he did not earn as much income as when he worked in Saudi Arabia, his life was better on his return compared with before he went overseas. He was willing to go abroad again. He returned from Saudi Arabia in L992. After six months

240

unemployed he found a job as a bus driver in Bandung (capital city of west .Java province ) , so he circulated once a week to Bandung and back Lo sukasari village where his family remained. From this job he received Rp. 150,000 a month while in saudi Arabia his waqes were about Rp.400,000 as a driver. Although,

he said that, t.he main reason f or working in saudi Arabia was t.o make the pirgrimage, by working overseas he has now been able to have a good house, 0.5 hectare of wet rice fietd and he has the prest.ige of having made the pilgrimage to Mecca. rt. was impossible for him to make the pilgrimage v/ithout working in saudi Arabia, because the cost for this journey from Indonesia was very expensive Now (L992) he has a title and term of address for such a pilgrim (Haji) , whereas he only finished primary schoor- and worked as a hawker in Jakarta before he worked overseas. As a naj i, the people in his village respecL him since Ehe rslam religion plays a significant role in Ehe daily life of the villagers. the case of Haji Mahbub it can be seen that there is a strong rel-ationship between international and internal forms of population movemenL. The experiences of movement of Haji Mahbub internally encouraged him to work overseas and upon return he worked in a large urban centre to which he circulated on a regular basis. The survey found From

241

that amonq unemproyed female return oCWs, 20 (4i..72) of t.hem were not tooking for work because t.hey had to look after their children or their husbands and were not able to work outside the household (Table j.1). However 58.3 percent of female return ocws are still seeking work opportunities. certainly t.he experience in sukasari seems t.o be that females return ocws in sukasari are more likely to seek work outside the household as a resul_[ of [heir overseas experience. This was also the case with female Sri Lankan OCWs (Eelens et al,199O). Keely and saket (]-984 ) also observed that mig'rants who have returned to Jordan were more economically active than before their departure. Table 7 .7: The Reasons for Not Working AÍiong Unemployed Returned OCWs The reasons

Still not found a job yet Looking after their children

to take rest first Their husband did not allow t.o work Did not have capital for business Did not give reason Want

Total

Mal,e Female Total 4

13

L

1-6 6

o

4

4 4

9

o

4

9

L1 L1

48

51

Source: Field Data , 1992

returned

OCWs (66.1%

from 33 working returnees) who were working at the time of the survey was undertaken, took less than 6 mont.hs to get a job on their return. The Most

242

waiting time before finding a job among ret.urned. ocws in sukasarj- village was between 1 and 36 months and this may be compared with returned Korean ocws where a review of 1000 employee records conduct.ed by Konq-Kyun Ro found that for 5l percent of returning migrants, the waiting time before findinq a job in the homeland was between 1 and 11 weeks. rn Go's survey of returning migrants to the Phitippines, the median waiting time for those who found local employment was 5.5 months (ESCAP , ]'9B6a:-7 ) Meanwhile, among ocws returningr to Jordan al_most twothirds were back in the labour force within four months. .

7.3.2 Social Welfare rn the case of sukasari's ocws 63.3 percent said that they had problems which working overseas, for example in communicating with their employer, separation from their

family, having a fierce employer, work overload, food., weather, ârr employer did not pay the waqe, prohibition f rom groing out of the house and many more kinds of difficulties. But from all of the difficulties, four kinds were most f requently f aced by t.he ocws: languagre (52.6%), family separation (2B.IZ), fierce difficulty employer (26.3e"), and work overload (2r.Le"). A sLudy by Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan universiLas Gadjah Mada (l-986:71) found that 85.4 percent return ocws said that

243

bhe different customs were the main cause of difficulties

in the country of employment. The differences in their experi-ences overseas resulted in índividual ocws having quite different perceptions about working overseas. The remj-t.t.ances improved the economic conditions of the

migrants themselves. But how long the remittances benefitted them is open to quest.ion. The oCWs contributed Eo meeting the costs of daily necessities of their families, paid debt.s, bought or renovated houses, supported the educat.ion of theír chilclren or other household members and assisted t.heir family's welfare in other ways as well. This will be discussed in detail in the next chapter" 7

.3.3 SociaL/PolÍtica1 participation Upon Return

one interesting aspect. of the consequences of international labour migration is the social /poLitical participation of ocws upon their return. The migrant,s experiences in the host country, it has been suggested, has had an impact on the migrant in terms of atLitude and

behaviour. changing attitudes and behaviour obviously made them l-ook different from before they migrated. what is attempted here is to compare the social/political participation of returned ocws, oc'ws' households and non-

244

oCWs' households, and also attempt to assess the id.eas,

money and manpower they have provided for village development efforts. The social/political participation

in this sLudy refers parLicipated in:

to

whether the

ocws

have

o the recitation of the Koran (pengrajjan)

. voluntary labour service (kerja bakti) . sport (olahraga) . the village proqram t.o educate women on various aspects of family welfare (pendidikan kes ej

ahteraan keluarga)

. things having to do with art (kesenian) . night watchman (ronda maLam) ' information/elucidation for example in famiry planning agricultural extension, etc. (penyuLuhan)

' poli-cy of miritary personner participating in village development projects (ÀBRr masuk desa) . qeneral election campaign (kampanye pemilu) . head vì_1lage election campaign (kampanye pemiTihan kepala desa)

Besides that, this study also seeks to discover whet.her they are a member of t.he co-operat.ion of village unit (Koperasi unit Desa), a political organisation (partai

poTitik)

or social- organisation (organisasi sosral

)

,

l4.s

whether they are a leader of a religious (pe¡lr ntpin agama) , or social organisation (pemimpin organisa,slsosial-) , or leader of a political organisation (penimpin partai pol-it¿k) . Any ideas that oCws have qiven to the village development efforts, whether they qave money or manpower (tenaga) and the purpose for which that money and manpower was given, also been assessed in order to understand the soci-a1/political partici_paLion of the OCWs.

To measure the participation level of ocws in the social/polit.ical life of the village upon rer-urn, a scale has been used similar t.o the one used to measure the l-evel of modernity. rn this case respondents were asked abouL their participat.ion in the activities listed above. Each response is scored 1 for never participated in an actì-vity, 2 for occasional]y, 3 for often and 4 for always. The scores which were obtained by respondents were added and as a result each respondent was given a score between 72 and 48 (from 12 activities/questions). This scale, has then been grouped to become: (1 ) !2 = do not participate at all, (2) 13-16 = low participation, (3) L7-24 = high participatíon, and (4) 25_48 = very high l-evel- of social /poriticar participation. Table i.B and Table 1.9 indicate that, most of the respondents have a high level of social/political participation.

246

Table

7

-82 The social/political participation of Respond.ents (percent ) .

Low Returned OCWs as head of household

7.9

Head of household of

returned

of

non-OCWs household

4

0

4

8

4.4

Tot.a1

Source: Field Data ,

13.1

1-.9 86.5

OCWs

Head of household of OCWs still abroad Head

Hiqh

Very High

Total

rB.4

(38)

s

(52)

11.

88.9

1.1

.l 83.B 80

(n)

(ee)

L4 .5

(83

11.8

(212)

)

1,992

Test statistics show that between heads of ocw househol_ds and heads of non-oCW households there is the same level_ of social/polit.ical part.icipation (Chj--Square .00000, Sj-gnif icance 1.00000 ) .

Table 7.9

The Role of Respondent ín Social,/political

Organisations Re

E.urned

OCWS as

heacl of

household

Head

of

household

of returnecl OCWs

Head of househoLd

of OCWS sti-fl-

Head of

T,:,1-.¡

11,lt-ì- OL-r¡Is

hou,qehclrl

abroad A-q a tneml rel r_rf soc i a1 /pt,,I i r- i caI

(_)r.Jani-qaf,ions: r,)lle

I

lnr-)l-e

3

LL 2

22

20

ii

_I

2

I

15

3

l

-11

6

10

I7

As a relì91()r_ts I e"r,ie

5

r--

As  s,:)ci,1l crrrJaniaral.ir

I earle

ì11

r

Source: Field Data ,

1

1,992

I

247

Furthermore, in looking at the association between the level of modernì-ty and the level of participation and between income and the level of part.icipation, test statistics show thaL t.he assocíation between the level of modernity and the level of participation and associat.ion bet.ween income and the level of participation

is not viltage

Moreover, in the process of development, observaLion indicates that both OCWs and non-OCWs in Desa Sukasari village have an almost. equal role in the contribution of ideas, money and manpower. The Heads of al-l dusun and some village officers said that there was no difference between them in contribution Lo village development. Every returned OCW who had just significant.

arrived from overseas recently had been asked to give a donat.ion (vo1untary) , of about Rp 15, 000 for village development funds. However, Table 7.L0 shows that non-OCW households tend to be more involved in village development activites than OCW households. Lhey more often contribute ideas, money and labour to such act.ivites.

248

Table 7.]-0: Contribution by Respondents of Id.eas, and Manpower for Village Development

Money

Head of Head of Head of household household non-OCWs head of of ret.urned of OCWs household household OCWs stitl-

Returned

OCVrls

as

abroad

Contributi-on

of ideas for village development:

often

seldom

never

2L .11-0.5 68 .4

9

6

82

1 7

5t .9 31.6 10.5

34.6 7.1

l

9.L 25.3

32 .5

65 .6

49 .4

49 .5

62 .1 21 .1

18.1

Contribution of money for village development:

often sel-dom

never

57 .7

4t.4

9.r

9.6

Contribution of manpower for village

development:

often

seldom

never Source

I

26.3 44.7

53

29 .0

1-'7 . 3

: Field Data,

)a

B

49 .5

25.3 25.3

66.3 22 .9

10.

B

1,992

7.4 Conclusion This chapter has shown that rndonesian overseas contract workers generally are dominated by females, due partly to t.he nature of j ob markets overseas f or whi-ch rndonesia competes requiring more females than males. Female ocws are mainly the children and wives of household. heads in Desa sukasari and they have had an important role in

24e

become more independent in fulfilling

It

also would seem that

before getting impact of

their

since many women go overseas

married overseas contract

delaying

the

daily needs.

age of

work has the

marryinq

and havingr

children. The negative and positive impacts of workì-ng overseas

on

individual migrants have also been discussed in Lhis chapter. Generally international labour migration has had a positive impact at the individual level. The mlgrants obtained work with higher wages. Their remittances were used for both productive and consumption activities to needs. Upon return, although [he fulfil their high, if all unemployment rate among them was still employment activities are looked ât, like agricultural act.ivities or making a small business, then most OCWs seem to be successfully absorbed back into the local labour market. Besides money, the returned OCWs brought back their experiences from the host country which were perceived as being useful by most of them. However, the level of modernity as a consequence of working overseas is still- open t.o question since this study did not analyse t.he dif f erences bef ore and af t.er working overseas. S[atistical testing has sugqested that the level of modernity of returned OCWs and non-OCWs in Desa Sukasari was not signif icant.ly díf ferent.

2.s0

LastJ-y, it is interesting to consider a short story of

a

typical

reLurned ocw by an rndonesian story writer (Radhar Panca Dahana) which was pubri-shed in KoMpAS , L5 November L992 with t.itle "Titin pulang Dari Saud.i" . The following is a summary of the story: Titin, younq and divorced, worked. as a housemaid in saudi Arabia for 4 years. Her father died 3 months after she left to work abroad. when she arrived in her village in Kabupaten Sukabumi, West ,_Tava, she was very happy, especially when the time came to give qiftJ to her mother, brothers and sisters, and relatives. The strain of 4 years in saudi Arabia however, is gone after 3 days, and life returns to normal. with about Rp 14 millions she has from saudi Arabia, she had planned to renovate her parent's house, pay off her father's debts, buy furniLure, and open a small shop. But after 3 weeks, her mind was confused: she onry has Rp 4 million left while the renovations of the house ar-e not finished. Her mother, sisters and brothers continually give Lheir opinions on t.he renovation of the house, ...to chanqe this or to use thi-s. Every day Titin can not st.op the reguest,s of her mother and sister/brother about whaL they say are " imporLant needs " . to buy col-our teÌevision, bicycle, clothes, shoes, cosmetics, motorcycle, wristwatch, jacket, even to hire a minibus f or picnic toqet.her. Entering week seven, she only has a few hundred thousand Rp left, while the small shop is not realised yet. Her sisLer, L7 years old, is willing to çro to Saudi Arabia. Her view since she was in Saudi Arabia ,,I will not come back to work Lo Saudi Arabia again,, , has now f aded. Final 1y, she decided to back to Saudi Arabia with her I1 year old sister

251

Chapter Eight IMPACT OF INTERNATIONÀIJ LÀBOUR MIGRÀTION: THE HOUSEHOIJD IJEVEL OF A¡IAIJYSIS

8.

1 Int,roduction

The impact of international labour mi_graLion on Lhe family/household is important because the family is the fundamental social unit in rndonesian society as well as often being an important economic unit. rt is clear that the overwhelming cause of such movement is the lack of su f f i c i ent income in t.he origin area to sus t ai_n a family's perceived needs (Hugo , 1'993c ) . By working abroad, the ocw attempts to improve t.he family,s economic sit.uation. However, the absence of the ocw (head of household/ spouse/children or ot.her members ) also may produce changes in the family in some respects, especially if the ocw is the recogrnised head of Lhe household or the spouse of the househord head. According to neo-classicar economic t.heory, international labour migration occurs as a resul-t of the differential in wages and employment conditions between countries,

which causes workers from a low wage or row employment opportunity count,ry to move to a high waqe/prentiful employment country (Wood , L9g2; Cl_ark , L9B6a¡ Massey, 1988; Hugro , L991_, l_993a; Massey, et dI. , 1993 ) . However,

252

accordinq to Hugo (1-gg3c) this theory has limited explanatory power in Less Developed Countries, because the family as a unit of production has an important role in [he alrocation of the labour members of Lhe famiry in response to economic stress (Wood, !982; Stark, 199L; Hugo , I993c; Massey et â1. , 1993 ) . fn this sì_t.uation, some family members can work in the 10ca1/regional economy' while ot'hers may work in another country. stark

(1991) argrues, thaL although there are differentces in wages and empl0yment conditions between counLries, if the income in Lhe country of origin is sufficient to sust.ai_n the family's perceived needs, the overseas labour migration would not have occurred (Wood, LgB2:3I4). Thus the result of working overseas is very important for Lhe OCW's family.

This chapter examines the impact of working overseas on the demographic and socio-economic situation of Lhe family in the place of origin. The analysis in Lhis chapter is based on a framework adapted from Hugo,s work (r9,2a' 1gg5a, rggl) which has been present.ed in Chapter Two. rn particular the analysis involves comparison of a range of conditions in ocw households to those in non_oCW households. Examination of the ì-mpact on demographic aspects of family will focus upon changes in family si-ze and composition, marri age/divorce and f ert.ility. Socio_

253

economrc aspects focus on income level and distribution,

employment, participation

social and kinship

welfare,

social /poLitical

linkages in oCW and

non-oCW

households.

8.2 Demographic hpacts

8.2.7 Family/Household Size and ComposÍtion The survey found, that (Table 8.1) the proportion of nucrear families of non-oCW households is higher than rn ocw househords. This contradicts the argument t.hat international labour migration wilr reduce family size and place greater emphasis on the nuclear family (Hugro, L987 : 158, Werner , L99I) . Clearly, international labour miqrants have come mostly from households composed of extended families. The larger number of household members enables them to allocate their members to work overseas. of course this is a measure of resi dentiaJ_ nucreation or extension of the family and not the emotional- nucleation or extension which is important in social change. As theories of "household sustenance strategies,, indicate, households will respond to economic stress in reaching and/or increasing their desired quantity and quality of consumption and investment, for example, by

sending wives and children into the workforce moon-

254

Table 8.1: Household Compositíon of t,he Nuclear Extended Famíly of the OCW and. Non-OCWand Households

Hr:r l seholcls

with return ocw a-q he.ao c-t

. HÈ,ì.] r-,i hrrrr seho l-d and spouse only Z . Heacl ,,f l-iousehold and sp,:use + chilcl¡en

l.;',ri:iti,:l

ocw

hea,.i hc,use

.

Heacl r_'f h,¡rrsehold and spouse

granclÞarènts

+

paL

,r

5.

He.rr-ì

(.,f lìr-)ìlseholcl and spouse + chilclren + Ì,,1rents/grandparenE s

t'.

H3n,-l

,.,f it,¡useholrÌ anrl

7. !l

ìrr_)rl-qeholc,l ancl

,'.i I:,.t,1

9.6

0

5-I I

44 .1

iltembers

sporrse + c)ther mem.bers

sp,¡r.rse



F

i.._.4

5.3 2L.

l

1^

tr

c

i.u r-'

. -l

+ cirild¡en

,:,f i]ousehold ancl spouse grallclF.lrÊDts + ol_her members + parents/



ij.),

Á

i

)J

Heaci

. He¡r,i ¡-rf

d and spouse + chilcìren + [)ârenl-s/gfrandparenEs + oEher members



1i

1.b

hi:rusehof

Nuclear family (l+2) Extenr'led f;rmily To

lt, - I

1.0

iÌeac,ì

+ ,,r_h:r

í,hl

ents,/

4.

f

,

cl

-[

3

,, l¡i irr.ill-

as

h¡:rl

i. ìrt:ltr:,f .ì fl lìi il'l

reEllrn

of h,fuseho I

H(rrÌsel-r,-)1,:lrl

wi l-hr:rr-tl

(3+4+5+6+7+g)

tal

Source: Field data,

10.5

lD.1

44 .7

6t.5

s5.3

lf'

100.0 (n=3I )

tc

c

/i

100.0

(n=5.:

í: l:.

rrl0.0 )

.1

F

írÌ=99)

tcc.c

]-992

lighting,

or by engaging in short.-term migrat.ion to take seasonal or temporary jobs in anot.her country (Wood ,L9g2; Massey et aI.,1993; Hugo, Igg3c). The role of the family as a unit of production in LDCs is importanb in Lhe allocation of their labour (member of the family) in response to economic stress (Hugo , 1_993c, Lg94) . The fact that ocw famiries tend to be extended families more than non-ocw families suggests that extended famii_ies are more likely to allocate labour to overseas locations as part of their family strategry for maximising family income and

2.s-5

spreading the risk across a number of income generatingr sources

.

Most female ocws (53.2? of the sampJ-e survey) who were still workingr overseas were the chir_dren of ocw household heads and generally they were married or divorced (Chapter Seven) . Thus, it means t.he structure, or composition of household members for the household which still has an ocw workingr overseas generally consists of t.he "head of household and spouse plus children, (49.5 percent) and "head of household and spouse plus chirdren and plus other members " (30.3 percent ) (Table 8.1 ) . The "other members,, mostly include son/daughter_in_law and grandchildren (three generations). However, in the households which have a returned ocw as head, the proportion of parents/grandparents who live with the family is higher compared with other kinds of households. This indicates also Lhat international Ìabour migrat.ì_on meant that t.he ocw f amilies tended to be extended families which were taking care of parents/grandparents by bringing them to live with them.

The total number of household members in ocw households is slightly higrher t.han in non-oCW househords (Tabre 8 '2) " From this sample survey however, the average number

of household of both ocw and non-ocw househords

was

256

higher than the averag'e number of household members in Desa Sukasari as a whole. Table 8.2 shows also Lhe disLribution of household members accordinq to age.

Table 8.22 Average Number of Household Members of OCW and Non_OCW Households, Distribution of the the Members According to Age and Sex Ratio Households Honsehol ds Hr¡usehr¡ÌrJrr :îl wiuhouu wi rh !a return oCW stllI ìr Ì lr OCI^I ars W( )rkincf head of abro.rrl househoÌd

wich re. turn OCW as head of hrtus-ohold ÀvÈr!Íd= No. of 1rr j l!r --h,) ld members :r-_-_t L;rtir_-r

0-14

r5-29 ."i)-44 45-59

4.4

4 .'¿

80 39 .2 26 .5

-ia..1

'))

24.4

11.

2l

2I

tr,

1.4 4.4

í¡{)+

94

ir.0 .)

.4

6.3 /Lr

c)

':, €,

(,)

o ')

T,rt:rl nnmber of hol

tsr

-oþ6ldg

204

252

5Ç¡3

38

41.

t)9

n

Note

According t o Mantri Statistik Kecamaban Cianjur (1991) , in 1990 Lhe average number of household members in Desa Sukasari was 3.9 persons.

Sour ce:

Field

Data

,

1_992

rt

shows that the age structure of ocw and non-ocw households was not much different. Additionally, the averaqe number of members in both ocw and non_oCW households tends to be similar (2.j for households with return ocw as head of househord, 2.5 for househord

without return OCW as head of househol-d , 3 .I f or households with ocw sti11 working abroad and 2.6 for non-

2s7

ocw househords). compared with the non-ocw househords, there are more femar-es in oCW househords (Table 8.2) . The

sex rat.io for non-oCW households in Desa sukasari is indicating a sliqht dominance of mar-es while in all

L02 ocw

household qroups females outnumber males.

Table 8.3: Nunber of persons in Each Household Number of

Household Household Household Non-OCI,V with houseOCWs still holds working abroad

with re- wi_thout of house- turn OChIs return hold as head OCWS of house- as head hold of house members

hold

Total

5

1

4 E

(i

1 9

Ì0 11

o

11c tr

4

l

1

!4

1

10

I2 2 1

.-

I: I

_-ì

¡

1

4 4 4

!7 Tr:,¡-

1 14 1

L

38

i

i

\2

99

rí.

rÕ 19 15 '12

4.1

t,, f0

l

3

Ì9

1

1 4

b,

it Lìl

i]

¿

Source: Field Data , 1992

Generally, the totar- number of household members for non_ ocw households was lower than for ocw households. rt is shown in Table 8.3 that the averag.e number of household members was 3.5 persons for non-oCW households and 5 for return ocws as heads of households and households which have return ocws and. 6 for househords which have ocws still working abroad. Moreover, in Desa sukasari- the age structure of both ocw and non-ocw households differed little although the migrants themselves are a serective

l.s8

Figure 8.1: Age structure of Household. Members of ocw and non-OCW Household in Sukasari and Rural West Java (percentage) Household who hos Relurn OCW os the Heod ol Household

Household o, Rurol West

:0r ra-5Ç

3A-u,

Jo/o,l97l

r

¿5-59

I

û J 30.¿¿

I

5-29

|

Gì4

I

::9 r

:-¡l I

0

05ì05202aJ035¿O45fl

percenloqe

Derc€nloge

Household vrho hos Return OCW not os lhe Heod ol Househotct

Hous€hold ol Rurol West Jovo, lg60

:ù. J'59

r

¿559

30¡¿

o

ì5-29

|

3H4t

i

ì

0

n

r0

5

Gì4

3035i0

25

5-29

percenloge

I

0

ì0r5n25JO35&a5 p€fcênloge

HoG.hold who hor OCW ¡flll Workhg Ab.ood

50+

Hou¡.hold ol

I

,/.__-_.---:'

rs59

|

w

o

çnt Gl4

i

¿s59

I

MI t5-29

t

0

óO+

Rurol Wosl Jqvo, lggo

Gt4

l015zJ

5

25

30

0

percenloge

r0

n

30

35

p€rc€ntoge

Non€CW Howohold

50+¡. '/'-r-59

I

l4a

I

t-)

Source: BÍro Pusat Statístik,

-a -t4

Field Data,

I

0

U

r5

n p€fcentoEe

30

û

L992

1993

4)

259

group of young v/orking age people. rn this study however,

although the age structure of the oCWs and non-ocws households members were similar, the households which have ocws still working abroad have a higher proportion in the L5-29 aqe groups compared to non-oCW household or returned ocw household or for rural west .lava as a whole (Figure 8.1) . This perhaps reflects the fact that households with several younq workers tend to deploy some of them overseas t.o work, while still housing some available to work in the village. 8.2.2 Marriage/Divorce and Fertility It has been suggested (Chapter Seven) that international labour migration has not increased Lhe incidence of divorce in the study vi11age. The l_oss of harmony within a f amily due t.o the separati-on of the ocws and their spouse and children, however, is seen as having a significant. impact. in international labour mi_gration because the period of absence of ocws from their family is quite long. Table 9.4 shows the length of time worked overseas, with most returned oCWs being away for more than 18 months. During the f iel-dwork, there were B oCWs sti11 working overseas who have been away for more than five years. A study by pusat penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (1996) found that 15 percent of

2ó0

OCWs

from West Java and Central .lava were under two year

contracts while from Yogryakarta one year contract.

63

.4 percent move under

a

The length of time working in another

country often depends on the nature of the worl< contract, which are generally for two years. There were

OCWs who

worked only for a few months before [he contract f j-nished, while f or others it was more t.han f ive years after the first

extension of the contract (Tabl-e 8.4)

.

Table 8.4: L,ength of Tíme Working Overseas of Returned OCWs

(month

stil1 Working Overseas OCW still Returned

and

OCWs

working overseas

)

No. L-6 1 -L2 13 -18 t9 -24 25-30 31-36 a-

Aa

43-48 49-54 55-60

6L>

I] )) '7

Z

rt. )) 11

7

l_

Total

OCW

No.

No.

Z

2

)

4

4 4

5

5

z 6

I9

19

)

4

4

U

9

9

L

7 1

0

2

)

1,

a

B

8 2 9

2 2

2

2

11

t2

2

)

l

4 a

)

1

4.0 8.1

40

44 4 7 1

v

) )

19 26 L2 59 LL

I6

4

15 2 6

I9

Z

10 1 13 B

6. 3 31. 2 5. B 8. 5 2. 1 7. 9 1. 1 ?

2

10.

1

99 100.0 90 1-00.0 189 r00.0 Source: Field Data ,

]-992

In the survey most of the respondents said tha[ Lhe absence of migrants did not creat.e a problem j_n their households. Table 8.5 shows respondents who indicated that their households were experiencing problems and it is noticeable that households with migrants still abroad

26t

had the highest rate of reportinq

that their

household

was facing problems. Almost a third of these households (31 out of 99) reporLed having problems, with more than a quarter of these indicating that t.hese problems were associated

wj-th

Laking

care

of

children.

fL

is

understandable that the separation of spouses means that. the remainingr spouse in the village difficulty

will_ face greater

as a sole parent in handling family problems

and dif ficulties Postrado, 1986)

t.han would two parent families (Go

and

.

Negative i-mpacts of t.he separation caused by working overseas were reported by several_ respondents. Separat_ion from family caused 6.5 percent of OCWs to experience loneliness and both married OCWs and their spouse felt t.heir biological needs were unfulfilled. Moreover, those who were left behind (spouse and chil_dren), were not as well orqanised as before. Single parents (male or female) had to look af ter the children and according r-o 29 percent of the respondents who had OCWs still working abroad, Lhe children were not. taken care of well enough (Table 8.5 ) . Therefore, working overseas appears to frequently disrupt the harmony of family life ir-r the villaqe. In other words, the relationship amonq the members of the househol-d could weaken. However, the fact that in Desa Sukasari the proportion of extended families

262

amonq OCW households was hígher than non-OCW househol-ds

(Table 8.1) suggests that the extended family substitutes for

many of

the roles

played by the absenL Ëamily

members. Hence, t.he extended family acts as a cushion to

the problems created by the absence of adults.

Table 8.5: Household. Problems According Eo the Respondent

Household problem

Households

Households

as head of household

workì-ng abroad (n=31)

with return OCW (n= 18

Economy

)

'7)

)

Taking care of household/ children L6.l Quarrel (dispute) husband/wife IL .1Debt

Loneliness

Others

11.

t_

with OCW still

Non-OCW

households (n=18)

51.6

s5.6

29 .0

5.6

3 9 6

L6

) 1 5 1

Note: The percentag'e from the total respondents of each household who answered that they have a problem Source: Field Data , 1992

family (not t.heir real name) in Desa Sukasari. fE seems that to look after the OCW's chil-dren left behind was not a problem. When the survey was being done, Arifin looked after the two children of his daugrhter, who was working (as a housemaid) with her husband (a driver) in Saudi Arabia. Arifin also looked after the wife of his son who was also working overseas. The wife of his son opened a small shop ('warung,) in the front of Arifin's house and bought goods in t.he city and An example is the Arifin

263

sold them in the village. It seems that these activrties were intended to keep herself busy to decrease her loneliness. At the time of the survey she clid not feel free, âs if an unmarried woman, to associate with society in her village while her husband was absent. Meanwhile, t'he Arifin grandchildren have grown up as fine children. They associate with good friends and no bad stories about them can be heard from their neighbours. However, according to Arif in's daugrhter-in-Iaw, if she could choose, it would have been better for her husband nol, f,o have left her. The relationshj-p between Arifin, his grandchildren and his daughter-in-1aw is good with l-ove and affection, because t.he lonelines due to separation has made them more careful to protect their relationship. Arifin pays more att.ention t.o his daughter-in-law and grandchildren

because he feels his

responsibility

towards them is greater than if his son and daughter were present. On Lhe other hand, his daughter-in-law and his grandchildren all need shelter. A st.udy in Sri Lanka shows a similar pattern of extended family support comi-ng into play when adult family members are overseas. Parents often call on the help of close or distant relatives for assistance j-n child care and the runninq of the household (Spaan, 1989

:64) .

2(A

A serial

story

(

tiLled

"

Peni " )

in

a popular

women, s

magazine, FEMINA (no.1-5, xxi,

28 ,-Tanuary - 3 February L993) by Sasongko Adiyono, provides a vivid picture of

how wider important

relationships in

supporting

than the nuclear the

famílies

left

family

are

behínd by

miqrants. Peni (Çrrade 3 in .fun j-or High School ) has one brother (grade 3 in Primary School). Her father works in the city temporarily, depending on the job order. When her father stopped sending home money, and after all- the things that could be sold were finished, her mother went to Saudi Arabia to work as a house maid. Peni had to look aft.er her brother and manage t.he household. Because her mother never sends money, Peni works as a laundress in the village. When her father had to sell the house to pay the debt, Peni stayed with her teacher who met her needs. Her brother stayed with her father in city. The story has a happy ending: her mother returnd after the work contract finished, her father obtained a permanent job in cì-ty, and Ehey st.ayed together again. The field survey also found that, âs discussed in Chapter

Seven, although in a rational sense, working overseas wj-ll cause a delay in having a baby for married OCWs and a delay in marrying for unmarried OCWs and consequently decrease the fertility rate, the facts show that the averag:e number of children among- OCW and non-OCW households is not much dif f erent. Nevert.heless, Table 9.6 suqgrets that working overseas changes the attit.ude of

migrants towards having children. In general, they preferred a smal1 family size compound to non-migrants. Most returned ocws who are heads of househords (3i-.6%)

265

are aqed between 20-54 years and have two children only 2I.I percent of non-OCW heads of households. Most (26.82) of non-OCW heads households are compared with

aged 20-54 years and have three children.

Table 8.6: Fert,ility Level of Returned According to Àge Group

OCW

and

Non-OCW

Total children Returned

Nun

OCW

I

0i234561 20

24

l0-34 35 39 40 44 4t-

49

t5

59

to

tal

012].u't.li F-,

lj

r.1

-

5

11 R

6

-21-1 Ì-11

4 3

2rl

ii0-64

1

II

65+

Tc)r-ål t,

J 12

6'

2

4

Source: Field Data ,

I

1

38

I4 I7

.

1-7 -lr:

-iil

1-992

8.3 Socío-Economic Conditions of the 8.3

Itl

I

il1-

21, ¿9

Sub-

4,,

Household

1 fncome Level and Emplofrment

The most important impact of working overseas is the flow

of remittances from the count.ry of employment to the country of origin (Russell, 1986, 1992). Remittances are the main means of making up for [he insufficient household j-ncomes of miqrants. Remittances increase the househol-d income and make it possible to encourage investment in the home country (Marius , L98'7 ¡ Shrestha, l-988; Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, 1991-) . In the case of

266

Desa Sukasari, a household whi-ch has an

obtains a

OCW

still

abroad

than other households. Their household income can reach Rp 495.000 a montl-r (including much higrher income

other households only obtain about a half of this level or less (Table 8.7). This difference is due to the remittances from t.heir household members who work overseas (the remittances could be sent regularly or irreqularfy). The averaqe household income from remittances is Rp 332,600 a month, which means that 67.2 percent of the income of households who still have an OCW abroad is f rom remittances. A sl,udy in t-he Philippines (Go and Postrado, l-986 ) shows that the average income earned by families with an OCW was about 2.2 times larger than a non-OCW families' income. remiLLances ) , whereas

Table 8.7

The Average Household fncome (in thousand rupiah a month) According to the Main ,Job of

the

Head

Households

Mai-n

occupat ion

of the household head

Teacher Farmer Worker

Entrepreneur Trader Driver Other

Unemployed,/ pens ].oner

TotaL

of

Household.

Households

with rewithout turn OCV'I return as head of OCW as household head of (n) hhold (n) 668 (1) 131 (2t ¡ L29 (11) r_88 (4 ) 22e (2) 575 (2) 254 (4) 250 (s)

225 207 240

(e (B

(2

) 1s8 (2) 278 (34) L6e (52) 269

(

13

Source: Field Data, L992

HousehoLds

with OcW

sti1l

working abroad (n)

985

(1)

404 (43) 470 (e)

s42 464 475

Non-OCÌ.,I

horts

e

holds

-

Total

(n)

(n)

250 (4) 111 (40) 467 (11)

442

(6)

22r (r2L)

404 (26)

5'75 (2) (B

(4 (8

61L (26) 495 (98)

2]-8 (12 209 (5) 204 (6)

)

_l03

264 J^À

\-).r/

t)) \ (16)

281, (5 )

459 (46)

205 (82)

374 (266)

267

The income of heads of households in Sukasari tends to depend upon their occupation. The highest income is for

entrepreneurs (Table

while farmers obtain the l-owest incomes compared to other occupations. Table B. B shows the median individual income of return OCWs and non-OCWs accordinq to occupation in Desa Sukasari. Looking at. this situation demonstrates that. remittances have an important role in international labour migration in terms of capital for opening a business upon return 8. B ) ,

from overseas.

Table 8.8: Median Individual Income (Rp 1000/month) of the Head of Household from the Main occupation

Main Occupa-

tion of the household head

Teacher Farmer Worker

Entre-

preneur Trader

Driver

Return OCW as

head of house-

hold

Head of

return

ocw

house-

hold

151

Head of household

which has OCW

sLill

working

Head of non-OCW

house-

hold

abroad

230

IT2

4Z

31

3B

1_3 0

t-l_0

105

L46

400 90 160

150 165

60

150

90 90

4L

Source: Field Data , 1992

Haji lbinl (not his real name), for example, upon his return from overseas bought a piece of land in the upland I Before he worked overseas he worked as a driver. His friend persuaded him to work in Saudi Arabia to earn a Iot of money. He decided to go there and his wife urged

268

part of the village Rp 10 million

of about 30 hectares at the price of and used it to open a business in mining by

digging the hill

to collect

st.one and sand for sale (see

Plate 8.1). From this business he earns about Rp a month and has hired 16 employees.

Plate 8.1

Return

OCW business: digging a hill to collect sand and stone for sale

fn Desa Sukasari OCW

50O,0OO

survey found that. i9.9 percent of households spent their remj-ttances on consumption Lhe

him also. Besides the money, making Lhe pilgrimage to

Mecca was his second goal. Now, besides his btsinels in sLone and sand mining, he is also a contractor in housing and a "ustadz" (term of address for rslam t.eacher) . All

of his six children are st.ill- in school and two of are in universit.y.

them

269

needs like building a house, paying debts, education and

the daily needs of the members of t.he household. A small proportion used it for productive efforts like developing or opening a business (trading, industry, agriculture, service and other) (Figure 8.2) . A study by Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (1986) of returned migrants in Java demonstrated a similar situation. Do remittances improve the standard of living of the family/household of OCWs? Swamy (1985:36) has arqued that by working in another country OCWs are able to improve their standard of living. Purchasing a house, improvingr increasing consumption and the household facilities, supporting education for their children are some of the aspects of improved well-being that they obt.ain. To explore this dimension, this study analysed the socioeconomic status of households using four variables: education and employment of the head of household and the income and property/wealth of the household. Each variable is given a score from l- to 5 as shown in

Appendix 5. Scores of I-2 are given for low socioeconomic status, 3 for middle and 4-5 for high status. These socio-economic variables have been used by pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas cadjah Mada (1986) to describe the socio-economi-c characteristics of rndonesian

270

OCWs [o

Middle East.

However to measure the socr-o-

economic Ievel of the househol-ds measurement was used in

a

more concrete, index

this study (see Effendi,

1989)

Figure 8.2 The Use of the Remittances in Desa Sukasari Returnees Troding lndustry

Service

Other

Unproductive use

OCWs Troding Not send money yet

Servrce

Other

ductive use

Source: Field Data, 1992

271

Table 8.9 presents the results of the calculation of the scores for each household g'roup. The proportion of nonOCW households which have low socio-economic status is higher (54.42) Lhan for OCW households. Generally, the socio-economic status of

OCW

households is in t.he middle

range. However, the proportion of non-OCW households with hiqh socio-economic status is much larger (I1 .62) t.han households which have a return OCW (2.32 ) and which have an OCW still abroad (6.42). But of the households with a return OCW as the head of household, the proportion with hiqh socio-economic status is L9.4 percent. Table 8.9 Socio-economic CondÍtion of Households Socio-

economic

s tatus of household

Households Households Households Non-OCW households without with

with return OCW as head of household

22.2 s8.3

Low

Middle Hiqh

return

ocw

r_00.0 f)=

36

still

as head of abroad household '74

O

62 .8

L9 .4

Total

OCW

working

100.0 43

25 .5

54.4

68.

2 / .9

r_

6.4

100.0 94

r1 .6 1_00.0 6B

NoLe: 31 missing observations Source: Field Data , 1992

tests indicate that the differences in the socio-economic status of OCW households and non(Chi-square=3 4.12094, OCW households are significant

Moreover, statist.ical

Sigr.=.0000).

272

Tn addition to socio-economic status, this study determined whether househol-ds could be regarded as wealthy or not. Observation in Desa Sukasari found that owning their own house, owning a permanent house, using for house illumination, havinq wet rice electricity fields and. having television, are all looked upon locally as characteristics of wealthy/better off households. owning a car in Desa sukasari is also perceived by villagers to indicate a wealthy household, however almost all villagers do not own a car. Table B.1O describes Some sel-ective possessions owned by households at present and five years ago. It shows that the economic condition of the households in DeSa Sukasari compared with five years ago has improved. But generally

[he changing economic condition of non-OCW households has been l-ess Lhan that f or OCW househol-ds. The increase in the number of possessions is much greater for OCW households than non-OCW households, especially when it comes to wet rice fields and eJ-ectricity fací1ities. Therefore it can be argued that international labour migration accelerates the improvement of the socioeconomic condition of OCW households. To further investigate chanqes in economic condit.ions, this study also asked heads of households to evaluate

273

themselves on th ir compared

with their conditions five years

Table 8.10: Some s

el-ect ive

pos ses

s

ions

at

economic condition

Selective Possessions by the Households

Some

present,

ago.

Owned

Households Households Households Non-OCW households

with with re- without OCW still turn OCW return working OCW as head of house- as head of abroad hold

(n=38) Own house:

5 years ago Now

52.6 63.2 DevelopmenL +10.6 PermanenL house: 57.9 5 years ago 65.8 Now

DeveJ-opment + '7 .9 Using electricity:

52.6 5 years ago 100.0 Now Development +4'l .4 Having wet rice field: 23.7 5 years ago 50.0 Now Development +26.3 Having television: 50.0 5 years ago 55.3 Now Development + 5.3

househol-d (n=52

)

6t .3 84.6

+L'7 .3

6l_.5 +28 .8 59 .6

98. r_ +38.5

2r.2

38.5 +Ll .3 25 .0

38.s TTJ.

J

(n=99

(n=83

)

)

1I.'7

66.3

/Õ.

11 .L

c)

+ 1.L 11 JI.J

I

AA

tr

+1-B

.2

50. s 91 .0 +46.5

+10.8 32 .5

39. f,

B

') ''1 t.)

6L .4

88.0 +26 .6

32.3 + 5.0

L6.9 25.3 + 8.4

28.3

27 .1

a.1

1

45. B +18.1

43 .4

+l-5.1

Note: The percentage from the total respondents of household Source: Field Data , L992

each

Five years was used for comparatrve purposes because the remember their conditions at respondents should still that time and the chang'es that have occurred during the last five years. By using scores from 1 (very poor to9 )

)71

(./erv wealthy) , the results shown in Figure 8.3 ni¡¡:.-a¿'l uvLg-¡¡uv

:,vere

'

Figure 8.3 Scale of Economic Conditions of the Household

Economb Condilion of Hour.hokt Who hos OCW still Abroocl

EconomG Cond¡lbn o, NonOCW

l{ou.tìot l

l5r 30+ o

o zsi

o æ+

o

a

ì5

n+

;

¡ 15+ o

,0ì

l0f 5: J2

scole

I

5værsogo

I oorsmr I

o2 Vêry

8a

ó

/ery 9ær

A

very

5COle

!

syeor¡rqe¡

Econom¡c Conctitþn o, Ralunì OCW Hous.hotd (Rotr¡m OCW

89

ó

Pæ¡ 5

værs

o9o

-

o

orqmt E 5 vær¡ rqq

wænhv

,

Economic Conclllþn ol Pelum OCW Hou¡.ñoLl (palr¡n OCW o¡ o Hcod ol Housalìolclt

nol or H€od ol Hour.hold)

l5r

¿o

30+

il

l5



c

62s

I

Ëæ+ o t5 +

ii

&æ t5

ì0+

t0 5

0

o2 vsry pær

89

5

rcda,

I

5

væn ogo f

qr

prffit

0

o2

very

t

5

veq¡

ros

,

89

ó

pær

vdy

SCCtlO

I

5

yæn ogo

,l o prgor I

5

Source: FieId Data , L992

It shows that grenerally alI of [he respondents perceived Ehac their economj-c condiLion had improved. It al-so shows how they anticipated their economic condition would be five years into the future. Most of them were optimistic

veq rols

r

wnhy

27.s

that [heir economic situation wou]d improve s[ill the future.

more rn

Moreover, Table B.11- describes the conditions of households accordinq to the head of each household's perceptions of their household income, house, facilities and furnishings, food, clothes and fulfilment of educational- needs of children aL present compared with their condition five years ago. According to their perceptions, generally OCW households were much ber-ter off compared with non-OCW households. But the proportion of OCW households experiencing worse conditions also was higher than for non-OCW households. It would seem that working overseas has had some impact in improving conditions in some households. While in oLhers their condit.ion has worsened despite having been overseas. The conditions with respect to food and clothing in all

types of househol-ds was generally unchangied over the last five years. Only the households which were headed by return OCWs were much better situated than other types of households. The conditions of housínq, fulfilment of educational needs of children and household income were and also better for most households. The facilities condition of household furnishings were better for most

return

OCW

households only. This supports the concLusion

27(t

generally

that

the

impact

especially for return

OCW

households

Table 8.11: Perception of Some Conditions of Household Compared with 5 Years

better Household income: R=ttìr:t Ii|r.j .ì,r llÈa'ì of HHoI,l

H-a:ì l: Pirr¡rll r xlw

HHoÌ,1

H-;,ì :::a HHet ì with (l(ll¡] .!ti1l Àl,roa'f H*¡ ì i ilcJrr -, , i,^J HHol'l ,:,

House Condition:

'i\-.i.r il:a,l of HHoI,l

P:ii,rr-

P-f i;ì t.

ll,.i, ì H+n i

:

i.ll-ì,:,1,¡

Hr¡ :i ,:::

¡ì,:jÌl -r i

Fac

' rr'W HHo.l

wlth "^l

r

l

rlt',] ;tiil

HHol'l

i 1 i-t ies /hous ehold

furnishinqs: tìrl: ,), 'd i,: Hla,l of

Prf

HHol'l

i 'l i F:f llrrI ( xlw HHol,l H:aj,:;i Illl¡rl'l wi.rh {.){lW 3till

HÉa

Àt,roa,j

Food condition:

'W i.r HÉa,l of HHo1,l F:trìttì ( ¡-,W HHol,j H-a,1 ,:'t HHù1.,1 with Lrrlt¡J;till- Àt'roa,l H*a,.1 ::i tlon-ix'i,J HHo1,l

F-tlìr:ì

( r,

Hea,ì r:;i

condition: Clothing ),'N a.r Hea'l of Rilrirl) HHo1,l

r

HÈi,:ì ti

P-tLìrtì

(

r(lt¡l HHoL,1

H.a,t ,:,f HHc,l,1 with (lCW irtill H+a,ì :ti i¡cn_r

r.'r,,1

ÀL,roa'i

HHoIrl

Fulf ilment educational of children: needs i,, "¡ HHol,l R.trrlll

i.r H+a'l of

H!.ì,i rìf P.:furIr (.r(lw HHoÌ,f H.a,.ì,:,f HH.)1,1 w.ith (l(ltl ;itj.Ì1 Àt'roa,l H¡a,.ì,:,i liÕtì r¡'W HHoId

worse

39.5

10. s 25 .0

31 .4 39 .1

33.3 1Á

50.0

23.1 38.5 31.3 36.1

26.

3

9

6

26.3

l3

2B.B 5t-.5 48.2

1

11

42.I

LB .4

r0.1

34 .9

ot./ 55 .4

42.r

44.7

L3 .2

55.6 45. B 60. s 63. s 31 .4

44.6

H!ñ.:l cìf Itoìt_, r'!,,/ HHol,f

unchanqed

r,he Ago

50.0 55. B

5t_.9 At,roa'l

39.5 30.8 )) )

36.5 24.2

30.1_

42.r 46.2 34.3 21-

.1

fabour

being of households is

migration on t.he economic wellpositive,

international

of

O

s9.6

57 .1

66.7 63 .9

2L.r 11 1 ))) 1-6

.9

1()

')

29 .3 25 .3

13 L

IB

'7

1

2 7

I

)

9.6 9.6

5.8 9.1 6.0

10 s (26 3*) 1 9 (30 B* ) LL r (32 3*) 4

B(s6 6*

)

Note:*) = cârÌrlot.Oe Compared because tfve years ago they had not fulfill-ed educational needs of children. Data, 1992 Field Source:

277

8.3.2 Social Welfare The definition of social welfare is very broad and it is

difficult to measure all aspects of it (Biro Pusat Statistik, t99L) . Hugo (I982a) has stated t-hat to define In social welfare in an operational way is difficutt. Lhis study, social welfare is considered to be access to housing, schooling and services. What OCWs have obtained will generally be shared by the members of t,he household (eg.the house built by a returnee in Plate 8.2, is for the whole family)

.

l

Plate I 2 Female returned new house

OCW

with her family and her

278

The goals of working overseas are to make a contribution

to Lhe economy of their family for daily necessities, such as paying debts, buying or renovatingr the house, supporting the education of the children and others (Table 8.1-2). The benefits and detriments that have been obtained by OCWs as individuals become benefit.s and detriments for his/her family as a whol-e. Table 8.t2: Benefits of Workíng Overseas According to

the Head of the Household

Benefit of

Households Households Households

with re- without turn OCW return OCW as as head of house- head of

working abroad for household

hold

household

1n=25)

(increasingly of the fulfilment of daily

(n=37

)

with OCW

still

worki-ng abroad (n=58)

Economy

needs/education costs Buy/build/ renovate

a

)

house

Buy land/wet rice field Capital for business Buy goods (carlmotorcycle/TV/Jewe1ry / eLc. Pay debts Get experience/knowledge/ OCW can speak Arabic )

Children

become

64 .0

20 .0

16.0 8.0 1-2

.0

.4

20.'7

1-6.2

10.3 8.6

51-

2r.6 10

B

)

7

.0

8

1

1-2

4.0

to

4

Mecca

60.3

8.0

independent

Can make pilgrimage

54.I

Á

0

1-

.1

1-5.5

L.1

Note: The percentage from the total respondents of each household which stated that the OCW provided benefit Source: Field Data, L992

279

A woman in Campurejo village, Kecamatan Panceng, Gresik, East ,Java whose husband was still working in Malaysia, for example, said "biar berpisah, daripada di sini mel-arat terus" (Its better separate, than poor forever in this village) (Tempo, 7 April 1984). Plate 8.3 shows an unfinished house where remittances are still needed to pay for the completion of the building due to the lack of sufficient income in the origin area.

.-

t

*

Plate I 3 Unfinished house of anot,her remittance

OCW

household: waiting

Working overseas brings contributions in many respects

and most of the respondents of OCW households (64e") stated that remittances were used especially in the

280

fulfilment of daily needs and to support t.he education of their children (Table B.L2) . Accordinq to the neighbours of OCW households, who do not have OCWs in their own household, the condit.ions of OCW households were generally better than before the oCW went. working abroad. The conditions of the house (eg. plate 8.4), the clothes (Table B.13 ) were atl they wore and other facilities better than before as a result of remittances. For a small proportion of non-ocw households conditions became worse. According t.o non-ocw households, ocw households were oft.en rich for a short time, because t.hey used the remittances for 'ext.ravaqant expenditure, and they did not find a new job immediat.ely. one (non-ocw) respondent said that returned OCWs did not want to work in the villagre as bef ore. Table 8.13: Opinions of Households

Some

of

Non-OCW

conditions

OCW

households

Households About

Better

OCW

Unchanged Worse Total n=83

House

1Q

CloLhes

69 .9

Facil-ities

and

household furnishings

Economic condition

Fulf ilment educational needs of children Standard of living

Source: Field Data , 1992

?

12 .3 L)) 42 .2

57.8

20.s

1a

r00.0

30.r-

100.0

26.5 50.6

1 1

2

s1.

6

0

B

/,) )

2

100.0 100.0

100.0 100.0

281

Plate I 4 ReÈurn OCW houses: the o1d and the new the new houee (brick wal1) was built beside the old, one (bamboo/wood wa1l): outcome of overseas cont,ract work

Another respondent (head of non-OCW household), said his neighbour sold his house to obtain overseas work, but

he

money overseas and make sufficient consequently, he does not have a house anymore. Another said a female return OCW (wife) became more assertive towards her husband as a result of her experience as a migrant, while st.i11 another said a male returned OCW married again after he becomes richer than before. Nevertheless, benefits must outweigh bad experiences want to go overseas for because many people still temporary work from the village. faited

to

282

rn some cases people do not want to work overseas, although Lhey work in " 1o\¡/ income,' positi_ons at home. A conversat.ion on a motorcycle beLween an ojek driver

and

the researcher during a ride from the main road to a village office is reported here to demonstrate this (English summary) :

Researcher

Driver

Researcher

Driver

Researcher

Drrver Researcher

Driver

Researcher

Driver

Doy ou think many people from this village are working overseas?

Many

are you not qoj_ng overseas? Ah, ro, for what? Here is better. Do you t.hink working in another country is not enjoyable? Ah, for what? The money wj_ll finish in one year on1y. whv? It's just for building a house. Are they not workingr at home after working overseas ? No. Some of them went back abroad. Why

rn terms of access to schooling, remittances have been used by oCWs for the education of thei_r children and other household members. The impact of workinq overseas on the formal education of oCWs themselves seems to have been zero. Generally the respondents staLed thaL they did not continue their education because of the lack of money for supporting their further schooling. others said that they had Lo work, were married, or continued attending religious school (pesantren) . Thus, the education of OCWs largely has been obtained before they went to the other

283

country for work. rn Desa sukasari the most conìmon fevel of education of returned ocws who are [he head of the household was higher than primary school_ (36.ge") , whereas for the heads of households who have returned oCws , ar ocws stilr abroad. and Lhe heads of non-ocw househoJ_ds, only 7 .6 percent , L4.2 percent and 24.I percent respectively had achieved a rever of educati_on higher Lhan primary school. The members of ocw households seem to be bet.ter educaLed than non-ocw househord members. The proportion of those

currently

undertaking training among OCW household members tends to be greater than among non-ocw household members ' Table 8.1'4 shows that the proportion of household members with returned oCWs as a head of househol-d and who had finished Junior Hiqh schoor and above, is higrher (22.32) than non-ocw household members (L'7.3e") whereas the proportion of those aged 15 years ord and over was similar (60.g? for household members which return oCWs as a a head of household and 6r.42 for nonhousehold members). Compared to West Java as a whole, the proportion of ocw househord members who had finished OCW

'Junior High schoor- and above was higher. rn 1990, there was only 79.2 percent who had finished Junior High school and above in west .Tava (Biro pusat statistik , rg93) "

284

Table 8. 14: I¡evel of Education of the Members of the Household Education

Households Households

of the

with re- without turn OCW return as head OCW as of house- head of hold household

household members

n-)11

No Schooling

Primary School ( unfini shed Primary School_ Junior High

¡-,.ltr,.l I!-AJZ

¿

Household

with OCW

still

Non-OCW

households

workì-ng abroad ¡-(O1

n=398

Lt .5

1,4.1

L4.9

2r .9

24.6

44.0 zö.o

37 .I 29 .4

30 24

8.1

5.5

5.6

6.0

6.2

)a

5.2

3.3

3.3

2.4

))

2.5

9

2.0

4.2

1.8

1')

)'1

)

2 6

School

( unfini shed Junior Hiqh

)

SchooI

Senior Hiqh School

Unfinished Senior High (

)

School

University Unfinished University (

5

)

Total

I.J

1_.0

100.0

100.0

1_00.0

100.0

Source: Field Data , L992 Relat.ed t.o this,

âs is shown in Table B . 15, household expenditure for ed.ucation was also highest (Rp 30,400 per month) for returned ocw households. Based on these f indings it can be concluded that internati_onar i-abour migration enhances the desire of returned oCWs to provide education for Eheir househord members at the highest level they can. consideringr some of the possessions of households (house and electricity)

in Table 8.15 and the proportion of household members who are receiving an

28-s

education, international labour migration may be seen to be of benefit in increasing. Lhe social werfare of famiry members.

Table 8.15: Àverage Household Expenditure a Month (in 1000 Rupiah)

Household

expenditure

Households Households wiLhout

wi-th re-

turn OCW return as head OCW as of house- head of

hold

(n=38

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Food

Clothing

Household maintenance

(

108.1 20 .6

)ç,

o

Health 12 .0 Education 30.4 Soap/toothpast.e/

working

n=52) ?

J

B.

a

5

3 0 3

10

holds

abroad (n=99

81.

1_0

still

OCW

household

)

Households Non-OCW with house-

(n=93

)

¡

80.6 13.1

r00.2

10 5

26 .0 20 .9

7

3

I9

4

13.1

6.3 .6 6.3

24 .8 23 .4

9.5 5.1

8.5 5.1

2r.L 18.8

0.9

I

3

6

1

1 4

1

shampoo/powder

and other items

for makeup 7. Cigarettes B. Transportat.ion 9. Petroleum/ 10

firewood / gas Donations .

11.

Tax (televis ion/ land and other)

12 . Savingrs 13 . Housing

rental Electricity Total expenditure per month 14.

7.1 1,7

.0

1-6 .1,

9.L

6.6 11

28 .4

6.9 1s.9 ?q

1')

6.1

3.6 4.3

292 .8

161 .6

s5.5

49.r

11,

18.5

r.4

9

8.4 2.5 4.3

183.2

L9I.3

Expenditure per

capita per

month

Source: Field Data,

]-992

37.

B

48

.l

286

8.3.3 Social/potitical

participation

Remittances and the experiences of oCWs from the host count.ry, âs well as the absence of ocws, inf luence the activiLies of members of t.he household and their social /political participation. As Hugo (Ig87 :LAj ) has

stated, the t.emporary absence of family members and the influence of money, groods, ideas, attitudes, behavior and innovations transmitted back to the place of origin must be adjusted to by the families of miqrants. chapter seven has attempted to look at the ]evel of modernity and social /poritical participation of returned. oCWs and the ideas, money and manpower they have cont.ributed to village development. efforts, by comparing OCW househoÌds with non-ocw househords. rn this sect.ion, [he social /political participati_on (this concept and how to measure it, has been discussed j_n Chapter Seven) of bhe members of ocw househol-ds wil_t be compared with Lhat of t.he members of non-OCW households. The survey found that if every househord was given a score of 0 for none of the househord members participating in social/political activities and a 1 for one or more members participat.ing in those activiti_es, t.hen many househords which had an ocw st.i1r abroad (2L.2e") had members who did not participaLe at alr in

287

sociaf\political activities in their village (Table 8.16). statistical tests shows that there are significant differences between these four types of households in Lhe level of social\political parLicipation of Lheir members (Chi-Square 34.69I42; Significance .0000) . The non_OCW household members are higher in social\political

participation than ocw househol_d members. The tests have also shown thaL the economic leve1 of each type of househol-d does not have a significant rerat.ionship with the level of social /porltical participation of household members.

Table 8.16: Level of Social/po1itíca1 ParticipaEion

of Household Members. Participation Return Head of OCW as return head of OCW

Head of

Head of household non-OCW which has OCW househousehold household still work- hold ing abroad

Not at all

7.9

I.9

2r .2

I.2

)

63 .2

80.8

45.5

63 .9

>)

28 .9

1,7

Low ( 1-3

Hish(4 TotalSource:

.3

100.0

100.0

n=3

n=52

FieÌd Data,

I

34 .9

100.0 n=99

100.0 n=83

L992

Looking at each kind of activity

for all members of the

househol-d, members of ocw househol_ds which were headed by

a returned ocw generally participated more in the recitation of the Koran, in voluntary r-abour service, in

288

education prograÍìmes on family welfare and in information activities (Table g.17), while members of non_OCW households participated more in sport, head of the

viJ-1age el-ection campai-qns, politicar

orqanisations and the policy of miritary personner participating in vilrage development proj ects. rt can be said that ocw household Table 8-]-7: Household

Members Aged. 15 years According to Èheir narticipation and over Participation Return Head of Head of Head of OCW as return household non-OCW head of OCW with ocw house-

househol-d household

(n=I24' RecitaLion of the Koran 66.9* Voluntary labour service 29 . O* Education program on family welfare 8.1*

fnformaLion 11.3* Art I.6 Niqht watchman 8.1 General elect.ion campaig'n 6. 5 Sport 11.3 Policy of military personnel participating in village development projects !.6 Head of villagre election campaign 2.4 Member of political orqanisati_on 4. Member of cooperation of village uñit 0. g Member of social O

organi zat ion

* Highest percentages Source: Field Data , I9g2

(n=161)

sLill working abroad (n=399

)

hol-d

(n=249,

54.0

51.1

60.8

L9 .9

¿) .

)1

o"z 8.7 L.2

-7

1.3 3.8

3.0*

J./

10.0*

5.6 8.1

Lâ.

1)

11.3* 1a )J

1.0

5.0 6.2

?tr

10.0 1.3 4.2 10.0 15.9*

I"7* 10.8*

1tr

1.9*

r.g*

q

Q ?*

I.7 0.8

1') I..J

289

to participate in religious educati_on and education for self development, whire the members of non_ ocw households participated more in sport and political activiLies. Tt is possible, however, that this situation is due to the nature of the migrant workers Lhat they are members tended

more economically orient.ed than non_migranLs.

8.4 ConclusÍon This chapter has attempted to anaryse the impact of international labour migration aL bhe family/household level-. The sLudy found that the decision to work overseas was made by the individual

himself/herself. There was no evidence of compulsion from oLher famiry members to work overseas. The family as the basic social and economic unit in the society, has a ror-e as supporter or provider of influence in the decision to work overseas. However, althougrh Lhe decision was made by the ocw himself/herse1f, the main purpose in working overseas was to achieve, or increase, the quantity and quality of consumption and investment of the f amily. consequentJ_y, t.he impact of working overseas on the f amily/household was more significant than upon the OCW himself/herself. (OCW)

rnternational r-abour migration as an independent variable has an important rore in increasingr the desired quantity

290

and quality of consumption and invest.ment of the family in the homeland. rnt,ernational labour migration has demographic and socio-economic impacLs upon, chanqes in

family/househord size and composition, marriage, divorce and fertility, income revel and distribution, empl0yment,

social we]fare, sociar and politicar participat.ion and relat.ionships among' ocw household members. These changes depend upon how [he ocw famiry attempts to improve the family's economic situation to sa[isfy their perceived

needs from working abroad. Remittances have been abre to improve Lheir standard of livingr or their werl-being:

their

housingr, improving household facilities, higher consumption and provide supporL for Lhe education of their children.

Chapter Nine TMPACTS OF INTERNATIONÀL I,ÀBOUR MTGRÀTION: THE COMMUNITY IJEVEI, OF ÀÀIAI,YSIS

9.1 Introduction The impact of international labour migration on workers and their families has been examined in previous

chapLers; but what are the consequences for their communities of origin? Does int.ernational labour migration change the demographic and socio-economic structure of the society? Do rndonesian oCws have an impact in enhancing sociar and economic development in their home communities? Do living standards among many residents of the home community rise, âS Go and postrado (1986) found in the philippines? These are some of the questions which arise when we examine Ehe impact of

internationar rabour migration in the communities of origin of migrrants. There is rittle internationar miqration research which addresses such issues. The net impact of out-migration in Lhe place and country of origin are less clear (Hugo, 7gg5a:3 ¡ ISBT:737), whereas population movement as an independent variable has an important ror-e in the demographic and socio-economic change upon Lhe home communities (Bilsborrow, rgBL; Findley, I9g2; Hugo , L9B2a, j_9g5b) .

292

The movement of community members, âs Hugo (rgB2a:190, 1985b:r66, 198l:138) points out, forces the community to

ust in one or more of three ways : (1 ) adj ust.menL in many areas of rife to the permanent or temporary absence of the out-mover; (2) adjustment to the permanent or temporary presence of the in-mover; and (3) adjustment to the reciprocar f lows of money, g'oods, information, ideas, and attitudes which are initiated along the linkages established by movers between origin and destination. Therefore, a communiLy level of anarysis rooking at the migration impact. in the home communities is required for a comprehensive understanding of international labour migration consequences. Bilsborrow (1981:B) stated Lhat "most of the community factors that influence migration decisions are in turn altered by that in- or outmigrration " This ref ers to the consequences of migrration on boLh origin and destinaLion communities. ', According to Hugro (1985b:161), there are three basic reasons why community-leve1 analysis should be undertaken: adj

"First, by aggregating individuar household revel data into contextual variabres for and socially meaninqful larger units, our understanding of t.hre siqniricance those explanatory variables may be enhancðd. Secondry,of Lhere are community effects which have an independent contribution to make to the explanation movement and its ef f ects. rhirdly, the of population perspective facilit.ates the incorporation "o*nrrlãily_level of both macro structuraf and micro individuJl consideraLions rnto explanation in a way not possibre if the focus is upon either individuals or large population agrgregates. ,,

293

The aim of this chapter is to examine Lhe extent of demographic and socio-economic change in origin communit.ies caused by international labour migration and to trace some of Lhe implicat.ions of such changes. The rol-e of this movement in the socio-economic deveropment of the community is addressed, in addition to any social problems in the community which arise from the movement. rn addressing these objectives, comparisons were made

between five sub-communities, each with a different number of ocws, in the study area of Desa Sukasari. The nature and extent of the change initiated by popuration

in the mover's community of origin is a function of the scale of movement, the duration of absence of Lhe movers and the degree and nature of mover selectivity (Hugo , 19 B5b: 166; Lipton , 1-gB0 : 1 ) . To this should be added the fact. that the degree and nature of movers, selectivity (especiarly with respecL to â9e, sex and education) wilt greatry infruence the impact of movement. movement

Moreover the socio-curtural context in which the movement occurs wil-1 shape the response of individuals, families

and communities to the presence or absence of movers. rn

addition, these and other factors infruence the nature, strength and tenacity of origín/destination linkages maintained by movers and persons remaining at the place of origin. (ltugo , Igg2a: 190 ) .

294

9.2 Demographic Impact on the

Communit,y

Data from the field survey (L992) shows that 382 Sukasari villagers have partici-pated in overseas employment (48.j

percent of whom have returned). In Cilaku and Gegerbitung the proportion of villagers who have participated in

overseas employment was L0.4 percent (Table 9.1) Palasari has the smarrest proportion in Lhis participation. whereas, âs has been explained above, in .

this sub-village female participation in employment is only 2 .5 percent and it has the higrhest proportion in female unemployment of all the sub-vi1lages. Table 9.1

Overseas Contract Workers And The Population 15 Years Of Age and Over, Sukasari Village PopulatÌon

Overseas Contract Workers, 19rf

15 Years

of

irr-Ì11-Vi

I I age

Age

and over,

Re

turnee

Still

AbrDad

1991

(x) (l

r

l,ìkìl

(liIâku Hllir

L

Tc,

fa I

Source:

T,rF_,rl

:t



Male

FemaIe

MaÌe

Female

MaIe

,278

32

36

10

5l

IJl

833

l0

40 22

19

945

1tj

17

Geger).ri tung

fala-cari

Srrl_¡-T,:,F.,rl

L,OL]

t98 4

811

6

22

L2

l

25

5

1

t1

4

31 43 L7 15

8

1,48

6

1_20

4

F:ilt.ii:

i1

z¿

I2

1l

II4

I

4

:i:

ltl I Êr:

Population Registration, Sukasari Village, L99L; Field Data, 1992

4

l-.!ì

May

Chapter Seven has indicated that in Indonesia, females are dominant. among overseas contract workers. The survey

295

found that 10.2 percent of ocws from Sukasari were female. The participation of females in international labour migration shows that. females have an increasingly important role in the family as human capital, especialry to spread the economic risk of the family across a number of sources of income. rn sukasari, althougrh possession of, and control over, resources of the household and power to make decisions is rest.ed largely with the mafe head of household, it has been concluded in chapLer seven Lhat international labour migration is one of the factors which makes females more independenL in fulfilling

daily

their

needs.

rnternational labour migraLion may increase depedency ratios and loss of younq population and reduce popuration pressure on the land. Accordinq to Lhe available data, the population of Desa sukasari decreased from g,683 in 1990 (Mantri Statistik Kecamat.an Cianjur, L9gi_) to 8, 178 in 1992 (Desa Sukasari , 1,992) . Moreover, observation of populat.ion density in a1l of the dusun in Desa sukasari showed that there is rittle evidence of excess pressure on the land as yet. To conclude that internaLional rabour migrat.ion reduces populatì_on densi_ty, this sLudy needs to compare the situation i-n the five d.usun in Desa sukasarr

which have different numbers of ocws. unfortunatery, there was no such data avairabre. rn the phi-rippines

296

however, according to Go and postrado (1986:r4r-43), the labour force of the overseas worker household in the home place invol-ves more f emal-es, more elderly males and more

very young men than other areas. rn dusun Rejodadi (East ,Java), which has a population of 325 persons, there were only 5 males left in the dusun whil_e the other 150 males were working in Malaysia (Tempo, 7 April 1984). The sex ratio in Desa sukasari both in Lggr and from the sample survey was 96 (Tabte 9.2) . The ratio is lower Lhan rndonesi-a as a whole as well as for west Java, Kabupaten

cianjur and Kecamatan Cianjur in 1990 (Table 9.2) . From this point of view, it can be said thaL there is a tendency that international labour mig:ration has made the village more feminine. But. among the five d.usun in Desa sukasari, cilaku and Gegerbitung are iden[ified as having a higher number of ocws and a lower sex ratio. rn other words, in these two dusun, females outnumber males to a grreater degree compared with t.he other three dusun which have smal-ler numbers of ocvrls. rt is important to note that Lhere is little divergrence f rom the L9g2 sampJ-e survey, in pal-asari- although the number of oCWs was smallest there among the f ive d.usun in sukasari, the sex ratio was also smallest (Table g.2) " Other factors might have effected that situation, for exampre, internal movement to other parts of Indonesia.

297

Table 9.22 Demographic Characteristics of Sub-Vi11ages of Sukasari, L99L Charac;: r'i F',-,1 ,;

-q t_

i

Cilaku

c-q

t. ¡ ¡_ i,,,r -

,:r ,. : i1c,rrsehor cl-q t.:l ::.,i. :. rliler ic- 1,3¿r.= {:l .ì,J\r l.:,r "¡;..¡.. :_ , 5. year s , i ag+ a:rrì

e.

,:,f Age,Ì I :rsons (55>) )3r ,r f I er-sr¡nS per hr:Usehold

500 c'1/

I ,2ItJ 9.1

l\rrml

Nrrml.,:l ,

I rhil.lt en per household no child 1f

4> !ì=^

%

rdLI'

4.r

6.3*

r:nma

rr i ecL

divc,rc

,,f i:ls¡- marrl¡r,Je: t)31-ì3(l,ncl/ râtio 1 :

.Age

male

female

ec[

, 441 ,i06 196

L2.7* 46.9* 40.5*

66

4

€l*

59.6*

19.3* 109*

t\.5

45.6* 15.1

42.r*

¿.'1 1 *

11. Ej o-i^

7.3*

24.0*

Ll .9* l nl

9.4

.5* 17.3*

22

86

(--ij,1ii

F.iì,rsari

T,i-.,ì1

4).i 3 93

5r2 tt33

E

95*

51.6*

,

9.9 3.6

3

101

22 .0

'I

7

i1

90

.2

G,-ger lli tuìtg

94t

(%)

l

r-,f 15 ye:rrs of age and over who are: r¡a r ri ecl

Hilir 'I

Nrlìnl

i:V?f

CiÌakrr

4-

9*

L)

0*

14 6*

I6

4*

, t'-



.,:ol;

!!,

91*

44.2* 10.3 46

.3*

il.6

9.5*

2r.6* ió.4* 105

.4*

t6.r*

93

l6.L

11

,,. g* -1.

9!i

99r 7it

i-i*

i'r,41 i9ii

96*

.J

5:.9' 1l. l 4-r. !)* 1ù.; lci. i:)ij

:1.I* -'.'

.:

i r. ¡* ì,.7*

i-

-

_-.0-

4:' . 1" +..1 ,:.r,' I

¡+

tc0

Note: 1. rat.io popul ation under 15 and 55 and over years o1d per 100 persons aged 15-54 * Sample survey 1992 2 ? J

Source:

Figure 9.1" indicates that Lhe proporLions in the very productive age groups of 25-34 and 35-44 years in sukasari village tend t.o be smar-r-er compared to Kabupaten cianjur and west ,Java as a whole, while the older age group (45 and above) tends to be larg.er. Fiqure 9.2 shows the age structure in each dusun of sukasari and despite the different numbers of ocws they are quite similar.

298

Figure 9.1 Population pyramid of Sukasari Village, 1997, Cianjur Sub-DisEríct, Cianjur DÍstrict, West ifava, and Ind.onesia populatíon, 1990 PoÞulqlion Pyromid ol Sukosori Vllloge,

¡

Populolion Pyromid ol lndonesio,l990

991

ó5+i

55+i

femote

mo¡9

4S5¿l

femole

mole

55-ó41

¿5-5¿l J5-¿41 35-4¿

25

I

Ut 25-3¿t

15.2¿l

r5-2¿l

G ì4I

Gr4l

3020100

¿o

l0

20

30

û

4

3020100

Populotion Pyromicl ol Dlttlcl ol Cloniur,l99O

ó5+l

l0

20

30

¿o

Populollon Pyromid ol Wesl Jovo, 1990

ó5+

i

mole

lemolo

55-ó4

55ó4

femole

mole

¿ss¿l

45-5¿ 35-,1¿

¡s¡¿l

25-34

25-3À

t5-24

G

G

r0

û3020100

20

30

¿o

¡o3020r00

r0æ3040 %

%

Populollon Pyromid ot SuÞ-DLtrlcl ol Cloniur,

199{¡

ó5+t 55,ó¿

I

45,5¿

I

lemolê

10lo

3t4t 2t3Át t5-24t

or¿i

5040302010010æ30aD50

Source: Biro pusat Statistik,

t992, 1993; Kantor

StatistÍk Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991r Mant,ri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, 1991; Desa Sukasari, L992

299

Furthermore, t.he dependency ratios (ratio of population under 15 and 55 and over years o1d per 100 persons aged l-5-54) in Cilaku which had the highest proportion of OCWs

in Sukasari, is not much different from the oLher dusun with lower proportion of OCWs (Table 9.2) . However when compared with Indonesia as a whole, West Java, Kabupaten Cianjur or Kecamatan Cianjur, the depedency rat.io in Sukasari was higher.

Figure 9.22 Age Structure of Desa of Sukasari, by

Dusun

199 1

ó5+ 55-ó4

n

Polosori

45-U

n

ctjoti

I n n

Gegerbitung

35-44 25-34

citoku

Hitir

cttoku

15-24

0-14

o

5

10

l5

20

25

30

35

4D 45ro

Source: Population Registration, Sukasari Village, 199 1

May

50

300

9.3 Socio-Economic Impact on Community 9.3.1 Income Level and Distribution Lrpsey demand

(L984:536) has pointed out with respect to the

for goods and services creat.ed by remittances:

"When output expands to meet this demand, employment will increase in all the affected industries. New incomes will then be creaLed for workers and firms in these industries. When they in turn spend their newly earned incomes, output and employment wil-l- rise further. More income will be created and more expenditure induced".

In sufirmary, coÍrmunity remittances were spent by OCW households on food, clothing, entertainment, television sets, houses, land, purchase of wet rice fields, education, businesses, and a range of commodities (Chapter night). It. can be argued that the remittances gained by Sukasari's OCW households, then wilt íncrease the j-ncome of Sukasari villaqers more qenerally and this was found to be the case in East. Java by the Rural Development Foundation (1992) . Amonq t.he domestic helpers j-t was found that the community was advantaged by the members of that community who worked abroad: (1) in rural areas, t,he OCWs bought f armland and catt.le. Widows and singles would ask other people to operate their farms, oy employ people to work in thej-r cattle breeding or trading activities such as small shops selling daily consumption goods; (2 ) housing improvement created employment in

301

construction; and ( 3 ) in urban areas a few returnees saved their money in banks. The flow of remittances from overseas to Desa Sukasari unt.il November 1992 is estimated to have been about Rp 2,404,9t0,000 by 382 Sukasari OCWs (Table 9.3). Table 9.3: Estímate of the Flow of Remittances to Desa Sukasari until- L992, by Dusun Returnees

OCWs

St.ill

Abroad

Total

Remittances

Male Female Male Femal-e Cilaku

Cilaku Hilir Gegerbitung Cij at i Palasari

Total

t9

32 10 10

40

7 1

25

5

I]

t- l_

4

15

66

)) r20

B

t2

48

36

3l

r,065,2L5,000

429,5'72,000 433,611,000 324,535,000 L5I,9'77,000

A) +J

LAB

2

,404,9L0,

000

Note: Total remittance is calculated from the total of OCWs (returnee or OCW still abroad and male or female) [imes the average of their remittances which have been senL or brought home ( see Table 9 .4) Source: Field Data , L992

If this amount had been calculated since 1980, when the fndonesian OCW prog'ram began, then in one year Sukasari received Rp 200 , 409 ,1-'7 0 on average as additional income f or the Sukasari community (or Rp L6 ,'7 OO ,7 64 a month) compared with the sukasari Development Budget 1-992/93 of Rp 45,294,6'75 (Desa Sukasari, L992), which is involved in increasing Lhe per capita income of the virlag'ers, the .

302

remittances from international contract workers are very important in the socio-economic development of the Sukasari community.

of those Tabl-e 9.3 shows that the distribution remittances across each dusun differs. Thi-s difference, besides depending on the total OCWs in each dusun, also depends on the amount of average remittances from each OCW. Table 9.4 shows that mal-e returnees in Cilaku brought back more money from overseas than male returnees

from the other four dusun ( for female returnees it was Gegerbitung) . Male OCWs still working abroad from Cijati sent more money home than male OCWs from the other four dusun who were stil-l- working abroad. Table 9.4¿ The Average of Remittances Which Have Been arought to Sukasari by Each OCVù until November L992 by Status of OCW and Sex (in '000) Returnees

Male

(n)

Female

OCWs

(n)

Still

Mal-e (n)

6.802 (13) 4.61-3 ( 9) HIIfT 15.800 ( 3) 6.s13 (10) 2.1-33 ( 3) GegerbiL2.3r4 ( 8 7 .642 (11) 2.800 ( 3 ) tung' 12.700 ( 6 5.992 (11) r_0.333 ( 3 ) Cijati ( Palasari 4.0s0 3 6 .411 ( e) 1.200 ( 1 ) 1-4.L1-4 (31) 6.100 (s4) 4.659 (19) Total Source: Field Dat.a , L992 Cilaku Cilaku

1-8

.418 (11)

Abroad

Female (n)

3.r12 (ls

)

3.006 (r4)

2.529 I6 (

2"01_0

(

5

3.L12 5 2.837 (ss) (

303

Female OCWs still-

working abroad from all dusun qenerally

each sent a similar remittances from male than those f rom f emal-e

amount of money home. Moreover, OCWs

were generally

much higher

OCWs.

The distributj-on of remittances amonq the five dusun shows Lhat Cilaku, with the highesL number of oCWs, obtained the greatest benefit in the total of remittances. It is certain also, that they will obtain more advantages in the economic situation of their people compared with other dusun with lower numbers of oCWs. 9.3.2

Employment

As discussed in Chapter Five, in Cilaku Ehe proportion of the workforce who were farmers (24.5 percent of males and

10.3 percenL of females) was less than the number of entrepreneurs ß2.2 percent of males and L5.4 percent of in Lhis dusun are more females ) . Economic activities concentrated in the non-agricul-tural sector. Tn Cilaku there are more small shops, factories ( rice mill factories, concrete brick factories ) and repair shops, office, compared with other dusun. The village "Puskesmas" (community health centre), a small railway station and a market (open Tuesdays and Fridays between Bam-l2pm) are also found in this dusun.

304

As has been mentioned above, the villagers more urban in thei-r

in Cilaku are

economic activities.

Agricultural

land in Dusun Cilaku is not as extensive as in the other four sub-vill-ages. However, some villagers in Cilaku had sawah or farmland/estates in anot.her dusun. The househol-d

where the researcher was staying during fieldwork, for example, had sawah in Gegerbitung and an estate in Cijati.

The head of

the household worked as a food

Together with the members of the household, she cooked certain foods and someone else (not a member of household) would sell the foods as a vendor. One of the trader.

sons worked as a public servíce employee in Cianiur city' At planting and harvestíng time they worked together in

the wet rice

field

farmhands to cultivate

or

estate their

and also

hired

some

l-and and to harvest the

crop.

A study by Athukorala ( f990: 333-5 ) showed that the proport.ion of unemployed among returned overseas workers can be as high as 16.2 percent in two high migration subdistri-cs in Srí Lanka, while the pre-migration level was 8.4 percent. However this difference tends to narrow with the passaqe of time. In addi[j-on, Athukorala found that among the returnees who are already employed, a signi-f icant. proportion (35U ) are willi-ng to remigrate if there is an opport.unity to do so. In Jordan, it was

30-s

found that amonq returned migrant.s one-third of them were

willing to go abroad again (Keely and Saket, I9B4) Athukorala ( 1990 :335 ) pointed out however, that in finding a job upon return and difficulties dissatisfaction with long periods of job search do not appear to be ì-mportant f actors behind the desire to remigrate. However, the large wage differential between home and foreign employment seems to be the major, perhaps the so1e, determinant of the desire to remigrat.e. A similar pattern has been observed with reqard to mígrant behavj-or in other labor exporting countries (Athukorala, L990: 336) .

.

In the case of Desa Sukasari more than 60 percent of returned OCWs did not have a job before they went overseas to work (Table 9.5 ) . The situat.ion of Desa Sukasari in 1,991, shows that 482 (20.52) males and 2L91 (89 .4Z) f emal-es were not employed (aged 15 years and over). The higher proportion of females not in employment, as has been explained earlier, is because j-n female participation in economic activities agricultural areas are often is not in the definitions of work adopted by official agencies or even by women themselves or their husbands and fathers who are often the respondents in censuses and surveys. Hence in response to the presenL survey many women regarded

306

themselves as not having a job. Even though as a housewife they were active in agriculLural activities, helping their husband ot, as some f emale ret.urned OCWs do, they had a small business in selling clothes/foods and other items.

Table 9.5

The Occupat,ions of Working Overseas OCWs

OCWs

Before and After

still-

Returned

abroad

Occupation

(

OCWs

last occu- Last occupa- Current pation in tion in occupation Sukasari Sukasariin Sukasari )

Farmer

Trader

Driver Religious teacher

Worker

Entrepreneur Ot.her

No-occupation Don't know/not stated

Total

5.1 2.0 2.0 3.0

5

6

11

I

6

1

4 4

L4 4 6 5 3

1

5.1

40 .4 42 .4

100.0

ñ_o

o

tt_.1 6r.L r_00.0 n=9 0

Note: *) 84.22 of unemployed returned Source: Field Data , 1-992

OCWs

.1

6 3

L

z 2

)

J

63

3

3*

1_00.0

--oô

was female

As Hugo (1-993e) has observed, transplanting of rice, harvestingr, threshing, sowinq and weeding tend to be tasks dominated by women in .Java. Theref ore, when [he survey was done j-n 1at.e 1,992, amonq f emale OCWs in Sukasari '7 6 .6 percent stated that they were not. employed

?07

before they worked overseas. Meanwhile the proportion of male OCWs not employed was only 30 percent. Among migrants who had returned, the proport.ion not

employed was s1ight.1y higher than it

was bef ore t.hey worked overseas. According to Adi (L981) tfie dif ficult.ies experienced by miqrants in finding work upon their return are caused by: ( 1 ) lack of clear cut and detailed planning for where the workers could invest their overseas earninqs upon their return. This is quite understandabl-e since most. overseas contract workers have

no entrepreneurj-al- experience. (2) Increased minimum wage expectation due to higher earnings received during thej-r stay overseas which cannot be satisfied by prevailingr waqe levels in the home country. In the case of Desa Sukasari, another thing that can be added here is that because most of the reLurned OCWs were female, upon

Lhey tended to conLinue being or became housewives. Tn Sri Lanka also it has been found that the majori-ty of housemaids came from the non-labor market group of housewives and t.hey became housewives again upon return (Athukorala, 1990:335) return

.

Table 9.5 shows that some return OCWs work at their former jobs while others have changed their jobs or are still- looking for a job. Many of those not in employment

308

before workinq overseas are in a similar siLuation after their return (63.3%). The bulk of this group are female (84.22) because most of them considered themselves as housewives before they left

and after their return from

being housemaids in overseas destinations. However, in Sri Lanka Koral-e (1986:224) observed that among female return migrants from the Middle East although they were housewives before their departure, upon their return [hey sougrht out work opport.unities outside the home in [he home reqion. In Sri Lanka return migrants showed a strongr preference to becomingr self-employed (mostly by establishing service sector family businesses (Athukorala, 1990 :335; see also Paine , L9'7 4:LII and Stahl, 19 83: B84) .

Whether or not remittances help in strenqthening the

local economy in terms of productive investment, is a central issue in discussions of the impact of international labour migration upon labor sending countries. Athukorala (1990:336) has pointed out that "the impact of remittance income on the long term growth prospects of t.he economy depends crucially on the way it is utilized". It has been suggested that labour shortaqes in the place of origin caused by the loss of young population leaving t.o work abroad can effect productì_vity and production in the region of origin. There was little

309

production rn Cilaku, which suqgests that the marginal productivity of labour is near zero. evidence however of reduced agricultural

This study found that. the proportion of OCWs in Cilaku who used the remittances in productive activities was smal1 compared with other dusun in Sukasari (Table 9.6\ Remittances tended to be used in agricultural activities, especially to buy wet rj-ce f ields. This situat j-on is similar to findings regrarding returned OCWs from East Java. The Rural Development Foundation (L992:I42) found .

that utilisation of remittances on capital accumulatj-on mostly involves the purchase of farm land. Table 9.6

The Use of RemÍttances for Prod.uctive Efforts

by

Dusun

Cil-aku Cilaku Geqer- Cijati

Hilir

'I'rad rng

Industry Agriculture

Service Other Unproductive

bit.ung

3

4

3

1-

4

3

)

)

l_

3

4

5

L

z

2

3

Pal-asari Total 11 2

7 L

1B

I4

I

40

)^

29

L2

10

LLI

l

6

1

3

2

25

56

3B

47

1A

20

189

11Cô

Not sent money yet Tot.a1

Note: Each respondent was asked v/hether or noL the remittances Lh=i' usecì were for productive efforts as wel-Ì as fr:r s6¡1srl¡pf-irr; nl,ìi.i.3r.--c (hr¡u-qe, pay debt, education, daily needs and others )

Source: Field Data , L992

310

The use of remittances for productive activities

has l-n fact created employment opportunities for many people in Sukasari (Table 9.1). From the sample survey some 189 OCW respondents had directly created L23 additional- positions of employment. This of course does not include the multiplier effects of jobs created in house construction etc. due to expenditure of remittances in the village. Looking at these fact.s, this study concludes that int.ernational labour migration can improve t.he employment. conditions of the home area. The st.udy f ound, however, that the level of advantaqe differed from one sub-village to another. In Cijati for example, 46.4 percent of OCWs used their remittances in producLive act.ivities and had created 64 positions of employment, while in Palasari, 40 percent of OCWs used the remitt.ances in productive activities and only directly created 5 extra positions of employment

for the villagers.

Table 9.7

The Creation of Emplolzment by Overseas Contract, Irlorkers* Ín the Place of Origin

Ci-laku Cilaku Gegerbi- Cijati Hilir tungr Total- j obs created

Note:

* l-89 OCWs

Source:

I

I9

21

64

Pala-

Total

5

L23

sari

(sample) of 382 OCWs of Sukasarr

Field Data,

L992

311

In Thail-and, Roongshivin (1986 ) f ound that remit.t.ances have played a vital role in rural economic and social development through multiplier effects. 9.3.3 Social Impacts Besides the economic consequences, international labour migration also has social consequences for the community which the OCW leaves. In Sukasari remitt.ances resul-ted in most returnees having television sets and [he accepted practice in the village was that households which did not have a TV coul-d watch progranìmes in an

OCW

house which

díd have a set. The communì-ty had more access to mass media and other information as a resul-t of t.he migration. In rural East Java, this v¡as also found to be the case by The Rural Development Foundation (1992) .

There are some city resj-dents (orang kota) who have farmland/wet rice fields (generally very extensive) in or near Sukasari. This shows a pattern of "invasion" of land ownership in the village by absentee landlords and this is contributing to the push on villagers to search for income out of the vi-1lage. One of the places where Sukasari villagers sought income respect to the relationship of administration of their sub-village kept t.rack of OCWs. They were the

was overseas. With the OCWs to the only two such areas heads of Cilaku and

312

Cilaku Hilir where every villager who leaves for overseas always says goodbye to their head of dusun and witl reporL on Lheir return to the home p1ace. Most returned OCWs qave money to t,he head of their sub-village (a minimum of 10,000 rupiahs -about US.$ 5) for [he village development f und. The chairs and tabl-es ín the VilJ-age

Offj-ce, when the researcher was there, had been provided by some returned villaqers. In the East Java study, the Rural Development Foundation (I992 ) explained that returnees who have just arrived, usually were expected to make a qenerous contribution to the Village Development Programme (for example, infrastrucLure developments or village events such as Independence Day celebrations, etc.). Commonly, the Village Office would require some donation, mostly ranging from Rp 5,000 to Rp 10,000, all said bo be for development purposes. It seems that the mark of success from working overseas is having a modern house. As Athukorala (l-990:338 ) points out,

"The heawy emphasis on reaf estate (mostly house construction) is understandable because such investmenL is instrumental in improving the social stat.us of Lhe family, which is the dominant motive behind the emigration decision (Ministry of Plan Implementation, economic l-985 : 5 9 ) . Moreover, in an inf lationary environment real estate is generally a qood long term investment " .

313

In Desa Sukasari returning overseas contract labours generally bought or renovated a house. Land or wet rice fields and capital for business are also important signs of success. To obtain this success some villagers worked overseas for more than one contract period. This is because the wage as domestic help or driver in one contract time Q years ) would not. provide for enougth to be saved to reach the migrants' target. The money they have spent for their departure must be calculated too. According to a head of the dusun, sometimes the viJ-lagers sell their wet. rice fields in order to raise the capital to be able to work overseas. The cost of working overseas varied at the time of survey and was between 500,000 and (for training, administration, !,'700,000 rupiah transportation, etc.) Domestic help with a real wage of 600 per month (about 300,000 rupiahs), will receive Rp 1,200,000 in two years" With that money he/she can have a new house in Sukasari . The cosL is about 1, 500, 000 rupiahs for l-00 m2 of 1and, building a permanent house (9x6m) will cost 3,500,000 rupiahs for buildinq material and wagres for the workers wil-l be about 750,000 rupiahs. Thus, in Sukasari, the total cost for building a house (9x6m) on 100m2 of land. is about 5,150,000 rupiahs and the villagrer has to bring back about US. $ 3,000 if they want to have a new house. If the overseas contract worker

314

wants to purchase wet rice fields then the price of a wet

rj-ce f ield is about 30,000 rupiahs per

m2.

To collect money from the villagers for making, building or repairing a mosque, a bridge, a road or for social

actj-vities, according to the head of the dusun of Cilaku Hilir, is not much of a problem. Before 1985, there was no access for cars and motorcycles to dusun of Cilaku Hilir. Together with the villagers the head of this dusun has made a thoroughfare under the railway with mutual self-help (Plate 9.1). Besides financial and voluntary labour support from the villagers, a group was founded by returned OCWs called a Mutual Self-help Effort of Moslems (known by the acronym "UGREM" ) . "UGREM" is a mutual selfhelf effort for making money. For example, someone will build a house and, as a contractor, Ehe members of "UGREM" build that house. Or they work on the wet rice field of someone else. The payment for building the house or cultivating the wet rice field belongs to "UGREM" as a qroup. rn Lhis case, the members who worked on building the house, or worked on "sawah" (weL rice field), only receives a meal and cigarettes. The money collected from those activi-ties is used for the development effort of the

dusun.

315

Plate

9. 1:

A t,horoughfare under the railway to Cilaku Hilir: car and motorcycle can pass here

AIt.hough Desa Sukasari has already produced its own development p1an, each head of dusun has a role in

developing their community. "UGREM" is one example of community mobilisation and another example is the effort of Dusun Cilaku where the vilJ-agers have started giving numbers to the houses the same as houses in the city. At the time of this fieldwork, the task had not been f i-nished. In Desa Sukasari every house does not have a house number and alI mail is delivered to bhe Village Office by a postman. Besides this, in an effort to gain

the Development Fund and to improve the standard of

316

livíng of the villagers, there was one small shop which was operated on a co-operative basis amongi Lhe villagers of Cilaku. In t.his shop, qoods for dai-ly needs were sold. There have been instances in Indonesia where a poor sub( dusun) became prosperous because of its village internationat labour migration j-n a short time. Dusun Mojosir j-n Campurejo vi11age, Kecamatan Panceng, Gresik, East Java was a poor dusun before l-980. As a f ishing community, the average income of the fishermen was about Rp l-,000.00 a day (less than one US dolfar at that time) Most of t.he houses were made from bamboo (gedek) with a thatched roof of palm leaves. Since I919, many of the male villagers have gone to Malaysia for work. Less Lhan five years later al-I the houses were of cement/brick (each house receives 10 consLruction with electricity watts ) from an electric generator that was a donatj-on from Mojosir OCWs and mosques and school buil-ding were al-so built from OCWs donations. Most of the households have televísions and tape recorders, and everywhere bright faces are seen. .

In Campurejo, Kecamatan Pancenq, Gresik, East Java, the exodus of OCWs to Malaysia beg¡an from a successful youngt return OCW. Because he could not find work after he finished at the Religious Teaching Institution (Sekol-ah

3r7

Pendidikan Guru Agama) in 1915, he went to Singapore with

his friend and because he could not find work in Singapore, he went to Malaysì-a and worked as a cool-ie for a buil-ding contractor. Af ter two years in Malaysia, he went home, built a house and married. When he went back to Malaysia, many young villagers accompanied him. Since then, he has become a guard and recruj-ter of OCWs and since I919, thousands of people have been sent to Malaysia (Tempo, 7 April 1-984 ) . Meanwhile the name of Dusun Mojosir has been changed to Dusun Rejodadi (Rejodadi from the words rejo and dadi Rejo meaningt 'prosperous ' and dadi meanì-nq 'become' ) meaning to "become prosperous".

In Gegerbiturrg, Cijati and Palasari it seems that the comes from the village development still initiative village centre, that is, from the Sukasari Village Government. In Gegerbitung, however, according to some village employees and other villagers, the implementation of the development proqram from the "centre" is not well accepted. In this place the religious leaders have more power than the formal- leaders. The head (the owner) of the "pesantren" of Gegerbitung has been in a key position in receiving, interpreting and reactinq to any kind of information and implementation of t.he development program introduced to the village.

318

9.4 Conclusion The demoqraphic consequences of international- labour migration at the communiLy level are difficult to assess due to the lack of statistics in the village to show the changes over time in the economic, social and demographic characLeristics of t.he communit.y. This dif f ículty v/as also faced by The Rural- Development Foundation (L992) when they conducted their study in East Java. Employment opportunities and the hope of making t.he

pilgrimage to Mecca have made villagers search for income in Saudi Arabia and other countries. However in gieneral, village and religious leaders remain somewhat ambivalent about the migration. fndeed the current research project concerning overseas contract workers in Sukasari may have raised Ehe awareness of the significance of the impact of the movement on the village. While remittances have been used by some of Sukasari's OCWs in productive effects on enterprises and have had multiplier employment and enhanced productivity, remittances have

also increased the income distribution not only of Sukasari villagers but also of people outside Sukasari who will sell groods and services to the village.

319

Remittances have been used for personal consumption, investmenL, debt repayment and savinq and as a result

have contributed t.o community development by improving the welfare of community members. Hence, in the main the impact of inLernational labour migrati-on on the community where migrant workers have come from has been positive in the Sukasari caSe. According to t.he Rural DevelopmenL Foundation's study (1-992:224), the community where OCWs come from enjoyed direct, benefits, for example through the contribut.ion to village development funds, provision of loans etc. and indirectly through the creation of employment opportunities. This is afso the case in Sukasari.

other hand, Some negative inf luences were evldent. There were complaints for example that OCWs generally could buy sawah or other land at. a higher price than t.he average villager had t.he abí1ity t.o pay. Int.ernationallabour migration had increased the price of land and sawah. This situation can be seen as a negati-ve impact for the non-OCW vil-lager who is willing to buy land.

On t.he

Nevertheless, Bilsborrow, Oberai and Standing (1984:295) have stated that returned OCWs generally are in rural economic growth with the balance of impacts being a net positive one:

320

"It is often claimed that return migrants stimulate rural economic growth, partly by virt.ue of their enhanced skills and experience and partly because they come back with accumulated savinqs and have sent back money beforehand"

.

Reviews of the impact of international labour migrration

have found that the impact varies from one place of origin

to another. However, this study has found that

amonq five

dusun in Sukasari, West .Java, there are

no

dif f erences in the use of remì-ttances, the integration in economr-c actrvrtres upon return, the level of social/political participation and the socio-economlc sì-gni f icant

level of the households.

Chapter ren IMPÀCT OF INTERNÀTIONAT, I.ÀBOUR MIGRÀTION: THE NATIOIìTAI, I,E\IEI, OF ÀNAJJYSTS

10.1 Int,roduct,ion

1evel and asymmetrical growth studies have suggested that international Iabour migration wilI be harmful for the sending country. Tt is suggested that it has a disadvantageous effect on the development of the country of origin (Hugo , 1987 , l-99L , 1-992b; Shrestha, 1988¡ Zolberg, 1-989), whereas micro 1evel and balanced growth approaches believe that workers' mobility can be an important contributor to the development effect of the sending country (Wood, 1,982; Clark, l-986a; Hugo , L987 L99L, L992b; Massey, 1988; Shrestha, 1988 ¡ Zol-berg, 1989). However, the empirical facts show that the impact of international labour migration varies from one sending country to the other. It depends upon many factors, such as how the remittances and human resources (OCWs) are used for development in the sending country. Moreover it is possible that for one country, at one point in time international labour migration will be of benefit and at another time will be harmful for the country. To illustrate this Bangladesh is a good example. As a sending country, Bangladesh is very dependent on Some macro

,

322

remittances from their overseas workers to alleviate their balance of payments problems and to solve the problem of unemployment. The movement of their workers overseas is beneficial for Bangladesh's development. However, this dependency also has had a negrative impact for Bangladesh at a time when there was a decline in the export of their overseas contract workers to the Middle East. Because this country is very dependent on remittances from its overseas workers to alleviate their balance of payments, the decline in the export of workers during the Gulf War caused problems with their balance of payments. Another huge problem was how to provide employment for the thousands of workers who returned to Bangladesh, especially those who failed to earn enough money to meet the cost of their migration (Pelita, 29 August

l-986 )

.

This chapter examines these issues in the Indonesian context, including whether Indonesian labour migration to other countries will assist in achieving the development goals of the country. In particular this chapter analyses the demographic and socio-economic impact of labour migration at the national 1eve1 in Indonesia.

323

t0

.2 Demograptric Impacts

The objectives of sending rndonesian workers abroad. vrere:

(1) to reduce the pressure of unemployment within the country by (2) expanding employment opportunities and hopefully (3) enhancing the work experience as well as improving the quality of Indonesian workers. However, as the fourth most populous country in the wor1d, the withdrawal of Indonesian labour to overseas, it is argued here, will have litt1e demographic impact on the Indonesian population. The numbers of OCWs compared. to the scale of unemployment. and underemployment in Indonesia is very smal1. Labour force growth in Indonesia is still

relatively high

(about 2.72 a year) and the creation of new employment opportunities cannot keep pace with the growth of the labour force. In fact, unemployment which has

traditionally Akan, n.d).

been low, has begun to increase (pusat According to the Indonesian Manpower Department (Kompas, 2 .Tanuary L993), every year there are 2.4 million new persons entering the workforce in Indonesia, whereas nehr job opportunities are only being created at a rate of 500,000 a year. There are i".9 million unemployed workers emerging in fndonesia and it is estimated that there are Lt"9 million underemployed persons. This situation needs to be resolved if

324

Indonesian

development is

to

C1early,

advance

deployment of workers overseas only impinges partially

the on

this problem.

At the national level-, although the impact of international labour migratíon in reducing the unemployment rate for Indonesia is sti11 sma11, this study has suggested that international labour migration has had a positive impact in reducing the pressure of unemployment. If the i11egal Indonesian OCWs are included, the proportion of that contribution in reducing the pressure of unemployment is higher. At present the Indonesian Government is sti11 trying to improve the quality of workers, mechanisms, and procedures of sendingr their workers abroad, as one way of creating employment. Since the Third Five Year Development Plan (L9'79-1,984), the government has aimed to increase the number of Indonesian overseas contract workers as part of its policy for solving unemployment problems and for earning: foreign exchanqe (Singhanetra-Renard, l-984) .

10.3 Socio-Economic Impacts

There is a significant interrelationship between population mobility, economic development and social change (Hugo, I982a¡ Hugo, €t â1., L987; Mantra, ]-987; Bandiyono, 1988; Manning, Maude and Rudd, 1-989; Guest,

32s

199Lt. Bandiyono (1988) has sugqested that for improvíng the quality of life ín Eastern Indonesia, there is a need to increase population mobility in the region. According to the migration systems approach (Fawcett and

Arnold, ]-987a) state-to-state relations, mass culture connections and family and sociaL networks are all conditions that have influenced individual migration decisions. International labour migration has influenced the Indonesian Government's political relationship wiCh destination countries. The relationship between Indonesia and the host countries depends partly on the conditions experienced by fndonesian OCWs in the host countries, This section however, will not discuss that matter, rather the workers' income and foreign exchangre earnings and their effects will be focused upon 10.3

"

1 Income Level and Dist,ribution

An increase in autonomous expenditure, whatever its source, will cause an increase in national income. The change in national income divided by the change in autonomous e>çenditure that it brings about, is called a "multip1ier" (Lipsey, €t â1. , 1984; Sukirno, l-985; Boediono, ]-982; Dornbusch and Fisher, l-981). In the previous chapter it was shown that the household income of OCWs households increases as a result of migration"

326

However, "it is not only migrants and their families

who

it directly f rom overseas employment. rnd.onesian Labour Suppliers (PPTKI) do as well" (Kelly, 19gT:9). PPTKI is a licensed company for sending a labour force overseas f or employment. rn 1983 there were only l_5 PPTKT, whereas in 1,984 this increased to became 42, and one year later (1985) it has been noted that there \¡/ere 228 PPTKÏ in rndonesia. However, according to the Ministry of Manpower, from those 228 ppTKf, only 50 were able to continue their activities (Kompas, 10 January 1986). According to the center of overseas Employment, in L99L there v/ere 247 licensed pprKr which although present in some other cities in rndonesia, are concentrated. in ,fakarta (Table 10 . L ) . In West Java, although there were only five PPTKI, this region sent the highest number of workers abroad. However, it seems that this region was not a major source of illegral migration. The mass media in rndonesia seldom report about this matter. A study by Dorall and Paramasivam (L992) found that only o.j percent of the sample of female rndonesian illegar migrants in Malaysia were sundanese ( ie . west ,Javan origin) . Minang (33 . 3 ) , Java (26 .22) and Bawean or Boyan (22 "'7%) were the three ethnic g'roups which dominated the f emale i11egal rndonesian workers in Malaysia. Table 10.j_ shows the location of the places of origin in rnd.onesia of i11ega1 worker migration to Malaysia. The distribution of benef

%

327

according to the place of origin from l-989/90 until L99I/L992 is shown in Table l-0.1. 1ega1 OCWs

Table 10.1: The Place of Orígín of Indonesian Overseas Employment (PPTKI) in 1991, Legral Indonesian Overseas Workers 1989 190-1991/L992 by Sex and the Proximate I1legaI Workers to Malaysía. Province

Legal

PPTKI

male 0l- D.I Aceh 02 North Sumatera 03 West Sumatera 04 Riau 05 Jambi 06 South Sumatera 07 Bengkulu 08 Lampung 09 DKI Jakarta 10 West Java 1l- Central ,Java 1-2 D. I Yogyakarta 1-3

East

t4 Bali

,Java

15 West Nusatenggara l-6 East Nusatenggara L7 East Timor 18 West Kalimantan 19 CentraL Kalimantan 20 East Kalimantan 21, South Kalimantan 22 North Sulawesi 23 Cent.ral Sulawesi 24 South East Sulawesi 25 South Sulawesi 26 Maluku z/ lrr_an Jaya

2 1 5

OCW

female

,844

3

,237

64 34 13 ,1-7L

408 67

3

I11egal

OCW

9

L94

12

222

383

,037

6, l_3 0 98,717

3

221-

1,2

5

2'7

,23t

7,999 447 ¿

8

,972

available available

(1) (2)

available

(3

available available

(4 (5

available available

6 7

- available 1-,1-63 available

(8 (9

,205 1,635 29 ,538 46

3'7 4

2

l_,309 360

85

33

,328 26 95

;

,997

1-,622

; 4

5

3,040

4,920

8

,047 99

24 9

247 L07,L52 2L2,968 NoE,e: 01 D.r Aceh: Lhoksukon 1 04 Riau: Pekanbaru 2, Tanjung Pínang 2, Dumai 1 09 DKf JakarLa: 227 10 Vùest,Java: Bandung 2, Sukabumi 1, Cianjur l,Pondok Gede 13 East .Tava: Surabaya 5, Sidoharjo 1 15 Vùest Nusatenggara: Mataram 2 18 Vrlest Kalimantan: Pontianak l,singkawang 1 20 East Kalj-mantan: Balikpapan 3, Botang Utara 25 South Sulawesi: Ujung Pandang 1

1

1

)

328

Sources: Pusat AKAN, L991-, L992;

(1) Berita Buana, IJ July 1992¡ (2) .Berita Buana, 17 .Tu1y L992; Media Ind.onesia, 6 August 1992¡ . Pikiran Rakyat, 7 July 1-992 (villages in Kab. Kendal); . Jayakarta, Merdeka , 24 .Tuly 1,992 (Cilacap ) ; .Merdeka, 4 June 1992; Pikiran Rakyat, 7 July t9g2 (Kendal); (3) .Berita Buana, 16, tJ July 1,992; Media Indonesia, 6 August 1992;

.Kompas, 14 ,JuIy L992 (Desa Nogosari, Kec Rambipuji, Kab. Jember);

.Suara Karya, 22 June I99L (Kab. Jember) ; .Kompas, 14 July 1-992 (Desa Tamberu, Sampang,

Madura); .Tempo, 14 Augrust 1993 (Desa Sokobonah, Sampang, Madura); .Suara Karya, 7 January L992 (Kab. Sumenep, Madura); .Suara Karya, 22 ,June L991, (Kab. Bangrkalan, Madura); .Suara Karya, 22 .June L99I (Kab.Pamekasan) ; .Tempo, L4 August L993 (Blitar); .Waspada, L4 July 1-992 (Ponorogo) , . Kompas , 29 November 1-992; Tempo , L4 August 1-993 (Tulungagung);

August l-993 (Lumajang) ; August L993 (Lamongran) ; April 1-992; Angkatan Bersenjata,4 August t992,' Suara Karya, 22 ,June 1-991- (Banyuwangi); Karya, 24 April 1992 (Kec. Genteng, and Kec. .Suara Clenmore, Banyuwangi) ; .Suara Karya, 22 .fune 1991 (Pasuruhan); .Suara Karya, 22 June 1,99L (Bawean, Kab. Gresik) (4) .Berita Yudha, 15 ,Ju1y 1992; Berita Buana, L6,1-j; ,JuIy 1-992; Suara Karya, 19 August 198'7; Media Indonesia, 6 August 1992¡ . Pikiran Rakyat , 24 ,Ju1y L992; Kompas , 2! April 1-993 .Tempo,1-4 .Tempo,1-4 .Tempo,11-

(Lombok)

(5

)

,

.Tempo,14 August 1993 (Kec. Batukliang, Lombok); . Berita Buana , L6 , I7 ,Ju1y 1992; Sinar pagi , 28 ,Ju1y

L992; Media Indonesia, 6 August 1,992; .Pelita,23 ,Ju1y 1-992; Kompas, 28 ,Ju1y 1-992 (East

Flores);

6 7

.Kompas, 28 .Tu1y L992 (Sikka) ; .Kompas, 28 July L992 (Lewoleba); Berita Buana, t6 ,Ju1y l.992 ¡

Berita I Berita

9

Buana, Buana,

L6 July 1,992; L6 ,Ju1y L992;

Suara Karya, S April 1-992; Berita Buana, !6,L'l .Iu1y ]-992 ¡ Pelita, 17 July 1-992; Kompas , 1 July L987; Media Indonesia, 6 August L992;

329

This shows that most of the lega1 Indonesian from West Java and that

OCWs

females dominate in

come

this

miqration flow. Most of them work in the informal sector as housemaids, drivers and plantation workers.

If the number of OCWs in each region of origin is known, then the distribution of remittances to each region of origin can also be estimated. As has been shown in Chapter Nine, male returnees in Sukasari Village (most of them drivers and housemaids) on averaqe have brought money home of around Rp ]-4,1L4,000 (US$7,057) while for female returnees it is Rp 4,659, 000 (US$2, 330 ) on average.

In West Java during the L989/90 to L99t/1-992 period there were 27 ,23 1 male and 98,7I7 female OCWs who went overseas. If they brought back remíttances equal to what Sukasari OCWs had brought home, the total remittances then can be calculated as VSç422,t79,J77 " Thus, the distríbution of remittances as an additional income for the place of oriqin depends or1, among other factors, how many OCWs they have. These remittances, moreover, are very important for the

families, especially for their day-to-day household subsistence. Studies in rural Mexico, according to Rubenstein (1992:1,29), sugrgrest similar patterns of

OCW

330

utilisation. Mexican OCWs expended their remittances, usually for family maintenance and other basic family needs, such as the acquisition of land and livestock. In the Michoacan community of Huecorio, Mexico, some remittance income was used to support community religious rituals, the elaborate f iesta cycIe, marriagre ceremonials, ritual co-parenthood alliances, social and material obligations of close friendship ties, interhousehold hospitality, life-cyc1e rites (baptisms, weddingrs and funerals) and the education of children (Rubenstein, L992).

10.3

.2

Ernployment

The progrram for sending workers overseas is one of the

alternatives to creating employment adopted by fndonesia's Manpower Department. This is not only employment in the host country, but in the place of origin as well" By leaving the country of origin there are work vacancies left behind. In addition, some returnees have created work in the place of origin as has been shown in the case of Desa Sukasari" A central issue regarding the impact of contract migration on labor exporting countries is whether or not migrant remittances help strengthen the 1oca1 economy in terms of productive investment (Athukorala, 1990:336).

33r

Migrants who have returned to Jordan were more economically active than before departure (Kee1y and. Saket, L984:692\ . However, Àthukorala (1990) observed that remittances are mostly spent on ostentatious consumption and "unproductive,' investment, neither of which contribute directly to the process of economic development:

"ft is interesting to note that, compared to other labor exportingr countries in the region, migrant remittance seems to be less oriented to consumption in Sri Lanka. Studies conducted in Pakistan, Bangladesh, the Philippines and Thailand have placed Apc of remittances in the rang:e of 55 to 80 percent, with the majority of estimates clustering at the upper end. In Sri Lanka, for the whole sample, the percentage of remittances spent on consumption (the average propensity to consume--ApC--of remittances) is 44 percent " (Athukorala, 1990:336337).

However, it

is also claimed that returnees stimulate rural economic growth (Bilsborrow, Oberai, and Standing, l-984 ) . However, study in Mexico has shown that remittances seem to be contributing to the economic weakeningr of rural Mexico (Rubenstein, L992:131), whereas development in Bangladesh has been dependent on remittances from their overseas workers (pelita, 29 August 1986). A survey by BIDS (Lembaga penelitian Pembanglunan Bangladesh) as reported by Pelita (29 August 1986) has shown that after OCWs paid off their debts they bought agricultural 1and. However, the facts show that while the use of land for housing increased, that for agricultural land decreased. Moreover, the returnees who

332

businesses generally creates social problems. opened

failed.

This

situation

In Indonesia, although the OCWs make only a sma11 contribution to decreasing the unemployment rate and in obtaining foreign exchange (although sti1l low proportion), Raouf Daboussi, an ILO official has maintained that... "miqration has always provided - and sti11 does - a short-term solution to the problems of poverty and unemployment. It also helps to fill national coffers and contributes to the balance of payments. In Yemen for example, money sent home by workers is eguivalent to up to one and a half times the export income of the country. At the same time, the changes that have completely altered society in these countries of origin need highlighting for. While emigration in the 1-950s or 1960s involved the illiterate and unskilled, it now involves people with a higher leve1 of education who can find no job opportunities at home. This is a matter of concern for governments, which see valuable human resources draining away." (Fromont, 1993)

10.3.3 Foreign Exchange According to the Head of Pusat AI(AN, foreign exchange is

not the most important priority in the program of sending Indonesian workers to other countries. The main goals are to increase the income of the community and to make use of employment opportunities in other countries (Suara Karya, 12 August L991") . Russell (1992:267-269 ) has pointed out that remittances are central to the link

333

between migration and development. Remittances constitute

an increasingrly important mechanism for the transfer of resources from developed to developing countries. The important question relates to the extent to which remittances contribute to the development of a country like Indonesia. By way of example, for fndonesia, as the fourth most populous country in the world and a leading oi1 exporter, sending their workers overseas is 1ikely to still far from being a major contributor to Indonesian development. As Kel1y (1987:6) has arqued, "it is egually clear that overseas employment will never be a leading source of growth for Indonesia". Although the remittances from overseas are not a source of growth for Indonesia, remittances sti1l bring benefits to the country in the form of foreign exchangre (The Rural Development Foundation, 19922 224). In some sending countries, remittances from overseas have an important

role in contributing foreign exchange required for important e>q>ertise, capital and technology which must be imported. In Bangladesh, for example, it has been found that foreign exchange from remittances is very important: "they would not have been able to implement the import liberalisatj-on policy which was successfully introduced in 1-983" (Kelly, L987:4)"

334

The flows of remittances from Indonesian

OCWs

through the

Indonesian Government Bank has shown an increase every year (Table 1"0.2). Those figures would be much higher if remittances from Indonesian OCWs, which are sent by friends or brought by themselves, were to be included. in those figures. Table L0.23 Flows of Remittances Through Indonesian Government Bank, Àccording tso Bank Indonesia Indonesia

(us

33,070,943

I ]-982 l-9

1_

83 1-984 / 1-985 / 1-986 / 1-987 /

$)

47

r_9

85 86 87 BB

1_988/89 t989 / 90 L990 / 9r L99r/ 92

Total

,95r,469

44,719,606 63 ,844 ,200 80,965,399 52 ,889 ,223 5l_,864,097 r1-3 ,7 97 , 696

L87,663,248 1_79,971,593 238 ,949

,07L

1, 095, 685 ,525

Sukasari (

estimation) n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a

1_,202,455 (0.11%)

Source: -Pusat Ai(ÄN and Bank Indonesia -Fie1d Data , 1-992 10.4 Conclusion The impact. of international labour migration on a nation

is the totality of the effects of international labour migrration on migrants the themselves, their family/household and their home region. But no one study has evaluated the international labour migration at the

33s

national

1eve1. This is because changes in the development process of the country are caused by a large range of factors. One of the goals of national development in each country is to improve the life of its people. To send their labour to work in other countries is one way to achieve these goals in conjunction with other strategies such as those designed to solve domestic unemployment and underemployment and to improve the balance of payments deficit. The flow of Indonesian workers to Malaysia grenerally consists of i1legal migrants, although the proportion moving there i11egal1y is increasing. Males predominate in this movement and most work in construction and on plantations, while Indonesian workers to Saudi Arabia are largely legal females and work in the domestic sector. Singapore is the third major place of destinatj,on for Indonesian female OCWs, after Malaysia (Tempo, 27 November L993 ) . Indonesia's neighbours, Malaysia, Sj-ngapore and Thailand are labour-short economies which will continue to need foreign workers. Unfortunately there are sti11 many problems in fndonesia in maximising the benefits to be gained from this. The

has recognised that labour migration l-eads to some social

Indonesian

international

Government

336

problems although economically ocws are better off than they were before migrating (Country Report: Indonesia,

1992). The important problem that has to be solved is that of "human exploitation', , because it is harmful to the workers and their families. Meanwhile, the single most effective strategy to fight against poverty is to create employment which is as widespread as possible (Tempo, I May 1.993:3l-). Another problem relates to middlemen, overseas employment agents, and ,,oknt-::lr-" who are the cause of many problems of exploitation whereas in the country of employment, the problems often come from the employer in the domestic sector, especially in the exploitation of housemaids. the mass media in Indonesia frequently show that the exploitation of housemaids predominantly comes from employers in Saudi Arabia. According to prihatmi (1990), housemaids who have a positive migration experience are less in number ttran those who are disadvantaged. To protect and to control the workers from the violence of the employer, OCWs can report to the representative of the agent of overseas employment, or to the Indonesian Embassy. The qr:estion is why OCWs are not obligated to report to the representative of the agent of overseas employment, or to the Indonesian Embassy, once a month (by phone for those who are far away from the

337

representative of the aqent or Embassy), especially about their conditions and relations with their employer ( especially housemaids ) ? Most Indonesian OCWs are in low paid jobs. As the International Labour Organisation observed: "...the failure of Indonesia's attempt to bid for Middle East contracts, its efforts to send workers abroad have been concentrated in the domestic service sector. Thus 85 percent of migrants to the Middle East (especially Saudi Arabia) are female domestic workers from the rural areas aged between 30 and 35 years. Their 1eve1 of education is very low, only about 2 percent having completed secondary school and they are mostly unskilled. The few males that go abroad are also employed in the domestic service sector as drivers " (Sarmiento , 1-9 91 : l-9I ) This is because many fndonesian Labour Suppliers (ppTKf) and their organisatíon, IMSA (Indonesia Manpower Supplier Association) do not ful1y work under the existing regulations, as well as middlemen and " ol
338

L992; Kompas, LI September 1992; Tempo, L9 December 1992¡ Tim Tempo, 1993).

From the equilibrium perspective, it

is not impossible that, one day the development in Indonesia will need f oreign workers . Massey (1988 : 3 83 ) has argued ,'\nrhen standards of living are equalised through development, the economic incentives for international movement will disappear and large-sca1e migration will end.,' So, the problem is not how to make " sending overseas workers', a primary source of foreign exchange and an important \^ray of solving the unemployment problem within the country. The important thing for Indonesia, in participating in ínternational labour migration, is how to use the remittances as " foreign capital" in developing the country and in creating employment for returnees.

Cfrapter Eleven

CONCI,USION 11.1 Introd,uctíon

This thesis has departed from the traditional focus of studies of international labour migration which have concentrated on its causes. Here attention is directed to consideration of population mobility as an independent variable and on the consequences which international labour migration has not only for the miqrant him/herself and his/her family, but for the community and nation as well " Detailed examination of the impact of international labour migration on individuals, families, communities and the nation has been very limited. However, as Hugo (l-993d:L22-L23) points out: "From the perspective of welfare of Indonesian labour migrants themselves, their families and communities and the Indonesian economy as a whole, it is important that policies be developed to maximise the advantages to be derived from such movement. At the same time, the exploitation and other negative elements associated with the movement must be identified and minimised. This can only be achieved if there is a base of sound knowledge regrarding the sca1e, patterns, causes and consequences of existing f1ows. At present this is largely lacking."

This study has attempted to clarify this issue in Indonesia in a mrrnber of ways. Although the present study does not cover all aspects of the consequences of

340

Indonesian labour movement overseas, it is maintained that the field investigation and secondary clata have made some contribution t.o the present limited knowledge oi labour migration in Indonesia. In international

particular Lhe adoption of an approach which has attempted Eo inLegrrate analysis at the individual, family, community and national levels has shed some light on the nature and extent of the impacl- of labour miqration in rndonesia. This chapter present a sunìmary of the frndrnqs of the study and discusses some of its implica[ions for policy development in Indonesia and for Eheory. Some suqgestions f urther st.udy in this area, includi-ng some f or reconìmendations with regrard to the strat.egty of collecting data in Lhe field are also presented. ]-t.2 Find,ings and Implications Regarding the Sca1e, Pattern and Causes of fnEernational Labour Migration There are many factors which have caused people move to

other countri-es for work. Some of those factors are Lhe growing internat.ionalisation of capital, the great improvement in the ease and cost of international travel of multi-national corporatíons and the activities (Massey, 1-988 :394; Hugo , 1989 224, 1990 : 5,20; Huqo and For L99t:L-2). Singhanetra-Renard, L99L:L¡ Lim, Ind.onesia, those causes can be added, âs it was found in

34t

sLudy, that t.he level of unemploymenl-- and underemploymenc in Indonesia is an imporEanr- influence. These lead people to seek work not only r-n r-heir own country, but overseas as well . This is Ehe cìrÇumênt of neoclassical economics theory- [hat the differentials in waqes and employment opportunities between countries cause workers from low wage or low employment opportunity countries to move to the high wagre/plentiful employment this

countries.

The vofume of the flow of legal fndonesian OCW is increasingr significantly. This is especially due to the effort of the Indonesian Government to enlarqe the volume and improve t.he quality of its overseas workers. However, the flow of ilLeqal Indonesian OCWs cannot be iqnored and sti11 substantially outnumber the Iegal flow, âl[hough Ehe data are not available for obvious reasons The movement of Indonesians to seek work overseas is especially focused upon Saudi Arabia and Malaysia. and are quite different flows. Indonesian OCWs moving to Saudi Arabia are dominat.ed by f emal-e housemaids, while that to the neighboring country of Malaysia, tends to be be mainly males working in the aqriculLural and construction sectors. The legal worker movemenL to

342

Malaysia is much smaller in numbers than lhe rllegalflow.

The analysis of Chapter Four has indrcated ihat hisIorical linkages and cultural homogreneity have pÌayed an important role in the pattern of Indonesian OCW movement. Social networks between countries of origin and destination is an important factor causing prospective migrants in the place of origin Lo migrate. The social network between fndonesian people in Malaysr"r and Indonesia has a central role in the flows of fndonesian OCWs to Malaysia (Hugo, L993a) . The case in Campurejo this. In this case many youngr village illustrates villagers went t.o Malaysia because a successful miqrant from Campurejo put them in direct cont.act with employers in Malaysia (see Tempo, 7 April 1984). This implies that the officj-a1 rndonesian oCW program should pay more attention to such social- networks to enlarge a number of OCWs deployed. There is a need to have a knowledge about the characteristics of Indonesian mi-grant workers in other countries and how they interrelate with their families/relatives/friends in the places of origin. The analysis of Chapter Five and indicated that, rÍr context of

Desa

household income

t.he

Sukasari, West Java, insufficient Iocalin conjunction with knowledge of work

j.r3

opportrit-lities

in

other

countries

have rtlfluence,:i

prospect ive mígrants to miqrate overseas i;f

work.

i--il3

The

sendinq overSeaS i¡/orkers .:LllC:. mrctol-emen have rmportant role in encouraginq prospe(l!l-\'overseas migrrants. However, âs Wood (L982 ) points ,fuf government prog'ram in

,

alrhough it

is a fact that the decision ro move trr'r-:

stay is made by Lhe individual

actor him/herself,

[haE

to a qreater or lesser clegree, by a number of considerations. In the decrsron l-o Inove, decision is constrained,

the rnfluence of other members of [he houseÌlc;itL cannL-:- r= ignored. However, althouqh the main purpose for working oversees

is to reach or increase the desired quantity and quali-'i' of consumption and investment of the household ii{ooo, L982:3L2,3L4; Kols and Lewison, 1983 : 245; Hugto , l-993c: 6-'7 \ , there are largre numbers of Indones ians who llave insufficient income and do not Seek to miqrate overseas to work. This is partly because they have sÕme obtacles preventinq them going overseas caused by, for example, financial problems for paying the cost of travel, or not having the social networks to f acilitate that movement. -ì grreater understanding of these factors is needed if a successful progrram to increase the deployment of woriçers overseas is to be developed during the current Sixth Frt¡e Year Plan.

34

11.3 ríndings and Implícations Regard,ing the fmpact of fnternat,ional Labour Migration

11.3.1 Individual and Family The analysis of chapter seven has indicated that work overseas on a temporary basis has a net benefit for the miqrant. However, exploitation of workers by employers and middlemen can and does create difficulties for many such migrants. The temporary absence can make for a closer relationship between the migrant and. his/her spouse and other members of the family. By working overseas the mi-grant obtains a j ob with a better wage which can be used for productive activities upon their return. Besides money the returned OCWs bring experiences: open mindedness, new ideas I a broad knowledqe, changed attitudes, more ski1l, from the host country which are useful for most of them. overseas contract work has had an impact in delayingr marriage and as a consequence/ delaying having children" Female migrants and those females left behind are 1ike1y to become more independent in fulfilling their daily need.s as a result of migration" Femal-e migrants obtain money to increase their household income or become the principal breadwinner, while females left behind have responsibilities which were previously taken care of by

345

her

husband.

contribution

All

of

these

factors

have made

to enhancing the role and status of

a

women.

Work overseas has mostly improved the standard of living

of the OCWs' household, through greatly enhancing the quality of their housinq, improving household facilities, increasing Ieve1s of consumption and support for the education of their children. Remittances have been used. for personal consumption, investment, debt repayment and savingr. This study found that, international labour migration had made no change to OCWs' household/family size and composition in Desa Sukasari. 11.3.2 Community and Nation

Benefits are passed on by OCWs to their communities directly through contributions to village development funds and indirectly through creation of employment opportunities. The analysis of Chapter Nine has established this clearIy. Remittances have been used by some of Sukasari's OCWs in productive enterprises and have had a nurnber of multiplier ef fects through employment creation and enhanced productivity. The survay found that Sukasari's OCWs have created employment opportunities for many people in the village" Remittances have also increased incomes not only to Sukasari

346

villaqers, groods and

outside Sukasari where services purchased by Sukasari people are

but also to people

produced.

Bilsborrow, Oberai and Standing (L984 295) have stated that "return migrants stimulate rural economic growth, partly by virtue of their enhanced skills and experience and partly because they come back with accumulated savings and have sent back money beforehand.". This study found that community leaders have an important role in encouragring ocws in using their remittances and experience to further develop the village. The involvement of community leaders enhances the benefits obtained from international labour migration in relation to the economic growth of rural areas. The demographic consequences of international labour migrration at the community 1evel are difficult to assess in sukasari, due to the lack of statistics in the village to show the changres in the demography of the community during the period that international labour migration has been significant. Additionally, because the impact depends on "its scale, the length of the period of time over which it has been occurring and the socio-cultural structure and composition of the society affected,, (Hugo, t982a:189), there is a need for a longitudinal study of

347

the impact of international labour migration in different types of areas in Indonesia. At the national leve1, Indonesia actually obtains benefits from the flow of workers' remittances in the form of foreign exchanqe and this has significant employment creation effects. Hence the Indonesian Overseas Worker Proqram has made a contribution to the solution of domestic unemployment and underemployment problems and improved the national- balance of payments. Nevertheless, the impact in these areas is still small in the Indonesian context due to the massive size of the national population. It also leads to some social problems caused by "human exploitation". Middlemen, overseas employment agents, and oknum are the cause of these problems.

LL.4 Some Policy fmplications

The fndonesian Government has attempted to create employment by sendinq workers to other countries which need foreign workers. Hovtever, this program is still not widespread in the society. Generally, it was found in the present study that the head and staff of the villaqes in Kecamatan Cianjur do not know about the government program or about the regulations relating to the sendingr

348

of overseas workers. Moreover, there is no reqistration, as Ve t , of OCrds and ret.urnees in al l of the vi llages . In fact, many indonesian overseas employmenL agencies (PPTKI)active in the st.udy area did not fulliz work rrnder the existing regulations. This causes ov€r-s€c-rs workers to be Ereated as a commodity export and Lends Io lead to exploition. This exploitation of workers causes harm Eo them and their families and creates a social problem within the country. There is a need to address directly the weÌfare and rights of migrants whc are overseas to ensure that they are treated fairJ-y and not exploited. To maximj-ze t'he benefits of sending workers overseas and

to minimize the negative effect.s some actions have to considered by Indonesian Government :

(1) to send workers only to those counLries where host government can provide protection from exploitat.ion by t.he employer;

Ehe

(2) then, in Indonesia, a heawy punishment is needed f-o be puL into effect for recruiters who violate t.he law;

(3) to provide all- informat.ion relating to overseas workers directly to the people as a whol-e throuçrh the Head of the Village (Kepala Desa or Lurah) in labour surplus areas throughout the whole of fndonesia

(4) in order to avoid manipulation or deceit. in

Ehe

be

349

recruiting and sendinq of workers overseas, al-l i:f the intiEutions/ especially the aqents of sending overseas workers (PPTKI),must be open to everybody, including researchers who need information abouc sending overseas workers; (5

) in order to analyse the grrowth and impacr- of Indonesian movement overseas and remittances, all OCWs and returnees at the level of desa need to register, computerise, that information and publish the data from Indonesian Worker fdenLifir:al-ion Forms and Departure and Arrival Cards, and Indonesían Banks should publish regularly about the information on sendinq money from Indonesian OCWs;

(1) as it. is an import.ant quesEion f or Indonesia, serr-ous consideration should be given as t.o how to effecti-vely use the experiences and remittances as "assets" in creating employment and assisting the development of the nation.

11.5

Some

Suggestíone for Furt,her Study

International labour migration is a complex phenomenon. There has not yet been formul-ated a satisfactory theory of such movement. Indeed there are difficult.ies in developing an adequate conceptual framework for this type of population movement. The empirical findings of the

3s0

impact of international labour migrration on the sending country presented here show that they depend upon many factors. A framework of the impact of rural-urban migration developed by Hugro (1,982 , 1,987 ) and used in this

study is very useful in determining the impact of international labour migration, but needs to be further tested and refined. However, because existing data of Indonesian international migration, especially for international labour migration is sti11 far from adequate, the satisfactory assessment of such movement for the purposes of development of policy is not possible as yet. It is important therefore, to conduct further research. The present researcher intends to conduct a further study in Desa Sukasari five years after the initial study to investigate changres in the scale and composition of international labour migration and the changing demographic and socio-economic conditions in this particular place of origin. The reason for this is that the impact of such movement depends considerably on the length of the period of time (Hugo, I982a:189). The present study has found that, although there is

a

need for research to be conducted over a period of time,

in

order to

obtain the best results

from direct

351

observation and in-depth interviews, some conditions are desirable in order to obtain optimum results before the

are carried out. These include: . it is preferable that the researcher consider becoming a member of the community and preferable that no one knows he/she is doing research; . the researcher should obtain work in or outside the village in order to avoid the villagers'

research activities

suspicions;

. the researcher should often be involved in village activities so he/she understands the conditions of both the village and the people. There is an urgent need for Indonesian arrival-departure

improved as data collection to be signifícantly international migration increases in importance. Perhaps the arrival and departure cards developed in Australia and shown in Figures L1-.1- and 11,.2 could be models for a new system. Similarly the Australian Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs data storage, analysis and publicatíon systems could be examined with a view to adapting them to the Indonesia situation as suggested by Hugo (1,994a)

.

The population census does not collect information concerninq international migration, whereas this

352

Fígrure 11.1 Àustralia: Departure Card PLEASF PAM FA 4ltY N^M€

r.

¿

crGtsTwl ofl GIVEN IIAM€S

J

.

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5 7

s

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pûût dlþ qN

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p.troõ ol

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do p¡rtln c

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xority! e !z ausherIJ Émp¡otñdt!I

co'c"m

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tr.

^domp.nyiñg

iîl;::

I

3. I ñl

bdn in Alsú¡li¡ hú bñg ¡go dil yü cfi. to

liv.

o,n.[,

Counlrt ln whrch I sh¿ll

in

A6tr¡li¿ ? uoôlha

Y.¡..

Éouolm f--l ¡

tSI¿te ol

f,

Ye¿r

ra3iJanca

Ya¡at

loa

2.

o o

o

rarlly

rnlr!nl dcpartlng

ln

Monlh

O" @

O

Ror ¡d rnt d.p6rtlng @ lêm

lempor¡ry

2

! XcrUrø O ¡¡o{ M!ñ.d

ÂfTA-

sT^fus

Pløßo¿Fsa¡ONeor

@ vrttro, o,

I

Ory

OATE OF

BNIH M.b

5€X

PASSPOFIT

NUMsER

CiTIZENSHIP

4

Od you

'nr.nd p.m¡^anrty ?

Y.a Counrry ol

¡

aa!øanca

lo usuAl

to SETTLE

Xo

n

ocÆuP^llo.{ Fllghl

No / llema ol Shrp

d¿y msrh r2. cor.JNTFY

ft m{CX I S8^tL GEr

THTS FLJGHT OR

9iIP

trF

(AEROAOI

SfGNAÍUFIÊ

t

tlg

Source: Hugo, t994a

information is needed by planners in making decisions for future development. ft is time for Indonesia to ínclude quest.ions in their census regarding international migration and for data collection on international migration using survey methods. Variables from the National Migration Survey (ESCAP, L982) which include emig'rants, immigrants and returnees.

3s3

Fígrure tl..2 Àustralia¡ Arrival Card Pt€^s€ Pilf I FA'I-Y l{A'G

2

C+ßrSTt NOf,

3

(:OUNTTIY

5

COJMTR/

GfiÆNNAMÊS

4 P^SSPORf

Of

clTtzElrs}llP

Of

NUMS€R

6 o^fE

A¡RTH

TA¡

7. SEX

o

Oay

\l rr

hrh

¡¿o*

O ¡e

u".iø

r¡aø¡¿

o o

Oitr€d

[email protected]

0 PtodMO\€o¿

o

M¡grðtlng to

Auslrål¡.

Contry

D

€. MAßII a SNTUS

D

O

of

8¡RTH

Viitor or

temporary Ênta¿nt l. I hllrú to ilay h Auslrâlq ld I Ocrlrd d

d

r€[email protected]

t¡loíthr

Y.¡õ

Oâ)r OR

2

lt¿g loa cmôq lo ,lus¡rtl¡¡ lPra ñta O\r-Y O^€ ôd,

),4¡ir

CqËrih

Arúrs ¡acstp-yirg hJúrs $.¡ld

€dc¡lih

!s !e !z !e

OÌû

[-Je

Vi¡¡l¡rlo

!r !z !c !r

hl.Gil

rd¡tâat

tbli,¡y

Endovrtt

3 Cqñyd

æ¡iiE

to

USüAL

tl SIAT E r 2 FL6r{f }¡tiAEñ r

3.

OR

CO{.r¡flFl l{ ur}lel

FLG{f

G 9{P

MME I

G S}e

8O^æ€D THS S¡Gl,,

r

lURÊ

t9

Source: Hugo, 1994a

It is recommended here that the following questions included in the Indonesian census: 1" Have you been _no _still

abroad?

abroad, since (

_ever,

countrY)

mainly in to." ...(year)

(year) in (country) from

be

354

2. What is the main reason that you usually abroad?

move

3. How long have you been abroad all together? 4 5 6

7

The estimate of remittances have you obtained

At what age did you first go abroad? What is the main reason for moving abroad the first time? What tlzpe of usual work did you do overseas?

11.6 Conclusion

The mobility of workers across country boundaries for temporary work has had an impact in a variety of areas. Although international labour migration differs from internal movement (circulation and commutinq), they are also simil-ar. There is a need for Indonesia's planners to anticipate carefully the changes of demographic, socioeconomic and cultural aspects in the country caused by the international labour migration in order to maximise the positive effects for the natíon and to promote nation building. Information on such international movement is needed to anticipate the implications for Indonesian development efforts "

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L99L. International Labour Mj-gration in Asia: Patterns, Implications and Policies, Paper for Informal Expert Group Meeting on International Miqration, Organised by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) , Geneva, 1"6-19 ,July. Lipsey, Richard G., Peter O. Steiner and Douqlas D Purvis. 1984. Economics, Nev¡ York: Harper and Row. Lipton, Michael. l-980 . 'Migration f rom Rural Areas of Poor Countries: The Impact on Rural Productivity and Income Distribution', Wor1d Development, vol- 8, pp. L-24.

S. 1-990 . ' Development and Return Migration to Rural French Polynesia', International Migration Review, vol - 2., pp.347-37I. Lohrmann, Reinhard. ]-987. 'Measures to Facilitate the Returninq Migrant Workers: Reintegration of International Experiences' , Report on International T..al.rnrrr Micrr¡l-ir'tn in l-ha phì I irrrrinc< an¿l (nrrÈÏr EaclAsia, Manila: Development Policy Forum of the German International Development and Foundation for Intergovernmental Committee for Migration, pp" LL1Lockwood, Victoria

L2'7

.

Mahadevan, K. and Sumanqala M. L987. Social Development.

Chanqe in Fertilitv Publications.

Kerala,

New Delhi:

Sage

Manning, Chris " 1.98'7 . 'Rural Economic Change and Labour Mobility: A Case Study from West Java'.Bulletin of Indonesia Economic Studies, no.22 (3) " pp.52-19.

369

Manning, Chris, Aleric Maude and Dianne Rudd. 1-989. Outer Eastern Indonesia: An Exploratory Survey of Þnrrrrl el-i nn

T)r¡n.ami r.<

.anrl

Perri nn:l

Tìcr¡al nrrmcnl-

Discussion Paper no. 22, Centre for Development Studies, The Flinders University of South Australia. Mi rrr.a q i Þandrrrf rrk r.i i Tnrlnnaq i e . Mantra, LB. ]-981 Berdasarkan Hasil Survei Penduduk Antar Sensus 1985, ,fakarta: Biro Pusat Statistik.

. L992. 'Pola dan Arah Migrasi Penduduk Antar Propinsi di Indonesia Tahun l-990' . , Populasi, vol.3 no. 2, pp. 39-59. ,

Mantra, I.B., Nasrudin Harahap and Sunarti. 1-988. Analisis Micrrasi Penduduk Berdasarkan Data Supas 1985, Yogyakarta: Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada" L99L. Kecamatan Kecamatan Cianjur. Mantri Statistik Cianjur Dalam Angka l-990, Cianjur: Mantri Statistik.

Marius, Heino. ]-987. Remittances from Indonesían Workers 'i mn;¡lôr¡erqa:q rlrcl¡edrrre.q, rrl-ilisal-ion- r¡olrrme and options, Pro j ect Discussion Paper, ,Iakarta: ILO. Martin, Philip L. L99L. 'Labor Migration in Asia' , International Míoration Review vol. 25, no. 1-, pp. 1-'7

6-]-93

.

Mashar, H.M. Hatta " l-988a. ' Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (1): Penyelewengan Umur dan Manipulasi Nama', Pelita, 20 August. r_988b. "Henglkangt

"

'Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (2): TKW itu dari Titik Rawan' , Pelita, 22 August.

1-988c . 'Menapak .Te j ak Persoalan TKI (3 ) : Mereka Mencari "order" di Hotel-hotel', Pelita, 23 August. . 1988d. 'Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (4): Derita Hidup Budak Pengembala', Pelita, 24 August. 1988e. 'Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (5): Nasib dan Gaya Sopir di Negeri Arab' , Pelita, 25 August . 1988f. 'Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (6): Pembantu Pelita, 26 August. Rumah Tangga Kian Laris', . 19889. 'Menapak Jejak Persoalan TKI (end): 'PPTKI Banyak yang Culas dan Menipu' , Pelita, 27 August.

370

Massey, Douglas S. L987. 'The Ethnosurvey in Theory and Practice' , International Migration Review, vo1. 2I,

no. 4 , pp.

1,498-L522

.

. 1988. 'Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective' , Population and Development Review, vol . !4, no. 3 , pp. 3 83 -41-3 . Massey, Douglas S. and Felipe Garcia Espana. t987. 'The Social Process of International Miqration,' Science, vol . 23'7 , pp. 133-138 . Massey, Douglas S. , ,Joaguin Arango, Graeme Hugo, A1i Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino and ,J. Edward Taylor. 1993. 'Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal' , Pooulation and Development Review, vol. L9 , no. 3 , pp. 431,-466 .

Merdeka,L986.'Sudomo Mengakui: Masalah Percaloan TKI Makin Serius', 24 November. Tegal Gagalkan Usaha Pengiriman

.L992. 'Polresta TÍ{Jttr',24July.

B

Muhammad, A.

Rasyid. L992a. 'Liku-Liku Perjalanan TKI Gelap ke Malaysia' Media Indonesia, 6 August.

.

l-9

92b.

'

Derita di Balik Keberhasilan TKI di

Malaysia' , Media Indonesia, 7 Augrust L992.

Mustafa, R.N. Hasan. I99I Adat Istiadat Sunda, Bandung: Alumni.

Naim, Mochtar.

Minanqkabau

Press.

L979. Merantau: Pola Miqrasi Suku Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University

Nurdin, Harto. 1-986 Laporan Akhir,

.

Prof i'l

Jakarta:

Kenanrfirrïrken

Kependudukan dan Lingkungan.

,Ter^ra R:rel-

Kantor Menteri

Negara

R. and Farzaneh Roudi" l-993" The Middle East Population Puzzle, Publication of the Population Reference Bureau, inc., vol. 48, no.1

Omran, Abdel

Papademetriou, Demetríos G. and Philip

L. Martin " L99t

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371

Pelita,1986. 'Merosotnya Ekspor Tenaga Kerja Timbulkan Kesulitan Bagi Dhaka',29 August.

. 1988. 'Bekerja ke Arab Saudi: Demi Uang dan Naik Haji',30 March. . L988. 'Pemerintah Berikan Fasilitas Bagi TKI/TKW' ,8 August.

Kemudahan

Berupa

. 1-992. 'TKI Ilegal Asal Sulawesi Selatan Dipulangkan Pemerintah Malaysia' , t7 .Tu1y. . 1-992. 'Kunjungan Keluarga, Alasan TKI Asal NTT ke Malaysia' , 23 July. Pemerintah Kabupaten Daerah Tingkat II Cianjur L992. Potensi Desa dan Kelurahan, Cianjur. Pikiran Rakyat,t992a.'Mereka deng'an Tujuan Malaysia: Digragalkâû' , 7 .Tu1y. 24

Berasal dari Kab. Kendal Pengiriman l-68 TKf Gelap

I992b" 'Penqiriman TKI Gelap Digagalkan di Bali' July

,

"

Piore, Michael J. 1-979. Birds of Passage: Mj-grant Labor in fndustrial Societies, Cambridge: Cambrídge University Press. Portes, Alejandro. L989. 'Contemporary Immigration: Theoretical Perspectives on Its Determinants and Modes of Incorporation', International Miqration Review, vo1. 23, no. 3, pp. 606-630. Prihatmi, Th. Sri Rahayu. 1990. 'Kepergian para fbarat Beli Porkas' , Suara Karya, 3I March.

TKW

Purwanto, SD. 1992. 'Catatan dari Malaysia: Upaya Menceqah Pengiriman TKI I1ega1' , Anqkatan Bersen'iata, 1,Ju1y.

Pusat AI(ÄN, Departemen Tenaga Kerj a. 1,991,. Himpunan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan Antar Kerja Antar Negara (AKAN), cetakan II, ,Jakarta. . t992. Data TKI Ke Luar Neqeri Per-Daerah Asal

Dalam Pelita V s/d 1,992, Jakarta.

. n.d. Kebijaksanaan dan pelaksanaan pengerahan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia ke Luar Negeri, paper presented on Seminar, Pusat penelitian dan Dokumentasi YTKI, Jakarta.

372

n.d.

Daftar

Alamat Perusahaan Pengerah

Kerj a Indonesia. mimeo.

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Penelitian

dan

Pengembangan Tenaga Kerja, 1,99L. Penelítian Sistem

Departemen Tenagra Kerja R.I.

Indonesia Yanq Bekerja di Luar Negeri, Jakarta. Raj

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RDCMD-YTKI

"

Rigg, .Jonathan. l-988. 'Perspectives on Migrant Labouring and the Village Economy in Developing Countries: The Asian Experience in a World Context' , Progrress in Human Geocrraphy, vol . 12, no. 1. pp, 66-86. l-989. International Contract Labor Miqration and rF¡m]"ran rlra

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Er¡a¡a'.".

mL^

ôa ca

n€

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5t5

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lñ^

c
/r^ritlr

a

mì¡-^

Javanese domestic helpers), Final The Rural Development Foundation.

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f rnm

Ë-a c F

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. New York: United Nations ,

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.

l-63

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"

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375

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E nnr,I

- þ.;

^*

Mnl.rì -ì 'i i-"

D= l- F

i -

F= c l-

T=rr=

Three Vill-aqe Profiles, Draft, ppIfS Working paper no. 12, Malang: PPIfS/Social Science project,

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TKW Namun

376

t99ta. 'Malaysia, Tujuan TKI Gelap Asal .Tatim',

June.

1991b. 'Bawean Pulau Pemasok Tenaga Kerja',

22 22

,-Tune.

. 199Lc. 'Penqiriman TKI Nonformal Kian Dikurangi', L2 August. 1,992a. 'Makin Menggrila Upaya Untuk Kirim TKI Gelap Dari Sumenep', 7 January. 1-992b. '32 TKI Gelap Ke Malaysia Dicegatgaqalkan Di Jember' 24 ApríI. 1-992c.'Pemulangan TKI l-Iegal. Darr Malaysia Sedang Dipersiapkan', I July

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Sektor

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and

Development Series

Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.

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No.

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April.

2 .June

t992a. 'TKI di Malaysía: Pemutihan dan Ringgit', 11 ,January.

14,

"

Rebutan

L992b. 'TKI Gelap: Habis Gelap ,Jadi Legal' , Apri1.

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l-l-

377

. L992d. December.

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APPENDICES Appendix 1: Country Distribution of Legal fndonesian Overseas Workers L979/ 8O-L99L/L992

Countries:

19/BO

Saudi Arabia

7

MaJ-aysia

Singapore Netherl-ands

BO/BT BI/82

,042 59s r25

11,073

632

9'7'7

3,3Bg

24 51

4

r,

r,

USA

Brunei

Hong Kong Kuwalt Japan Greece

I raq France

60

40 524

r0 ,32'7

19

r,4'7r

24 103 418 20

9L

L8,552 3,568 2,096

,0r0 19r r, 660 1,085

rt446 r,846

302 331

11

2

2I

1BB

938

485 180

108

22 JZ

24 24

30s 198

t0

r19

z /6 725

Abu Dhabi West Germany Emirat Arab

9,000

'/

565 187 391

918 249

Monaco

83/84

3B

s09 155

BO

82/83

I4 Jö

B1

4I

400

1,035

Taiwan

U"K

Korea

56

Italy

Egypt Jordan

Norway Swiss Suriname Cyprus

54

r20

41

9;

23

63

r22

1

26 35

4

1

¿

\49 15 32

2 Ãn

22

45

Oman

Thail-and

Philippines

L2

Qatar

1

Liberia Romania

Austral-ia Belgium Spain

2

India

Sweden Canada

Others

TotaI

130

10,396

16,

1B

6

r'7 ,

904

27 ,

224

30

,190

conti-nued. . . Countri-es:

Saudi Arabia

MaJ-aysia

Singapore Netherlands USA

Brunei

Hong Kong Kuwait

84/Bs 2tr

tr,'1 '1

tr

332 565 836

Jl

I,

45 | 292

813 908

1]-9

r,36'l

raq

Abu Dhabi West Germany Emirat Arab Taiwan U.K Korea

Italy

5,825

2,09r

r,

48, 803 z, 58s 4, 029

901

L, 100

458

64

97

253

9

2

B2

56 30

372 230 24 252

430 529 40 493

r51

300 206

L02

39 31

22 JZ

290

624 43

1s8 46

4

1

I2

9

9

9

1

5

1

9

9

¿

2 2

Egvpt Jordan

49,2rI

837€9

99 253 157 ]-34 24

I42

Monaco

r, r22

/BB

29'7

II6

159 714 196 232

rB,864 1,485

81

2, 228 456

a'1 U/

r82

France

86/87

| 690 5,I'7 9

44

L, 181 216 383

Japan Greece I

85/86

B

131

r97 1B

r'7 B

B

1

Norway Swiss Suri-name Cyprus

34

1

:

? 1

Oman

Thail-and

Philippines

2

Qatar

1

Liberia

31

25

:

2

r6

Romani-a

Australia

t

46

BO

;

4 3

Belgium Spain Tndia

1

6

Sweden Canada

Others Total-

76

6B

41 ,

094

54 ,

291

L9

68, 3 60

6L,

092

6r,

4:-9

continued

Countries: 89/90

90/91 9I/92 92/93 93/94

Saudi A. 60, I4I 4r, 466 86, 501 95,573 101,141 Malaysia 11, 130 29,240 40, 40L 50,137 25 | 404 Singapore 4, B'77 '7 ,'7 43 10, 829 12,398 13,049 NetherÌands 1,l-85 r,230 I, 054 1, 033 1,013 usA 2,211 2, 432 2, 728 2tB68 3 ,148 Brune i 2, 481- r,'7 05 T, 514 2,393 2,052 Hong Kong 658 681 919 r, 439 r,54'7 Kuwait 1 z, 29r 698 ? ??R Japan 184 416 I, 044 814 Greece 175 L23 115 346 158 f raq France 131 r49 r46 I2I 2BI Monaco 259 292 341 302 IlI Abu Dhabi I49 West Germany 68 96 63 r99 187 Emi-rat Arab 269 281 217 rtr22 368 Taiwan 59 116 493 1,700 5,520 U.K 14 12 12 6B 24 Korea 1 587 r,25'7 r, 6]-9 It.al-y 2 2 JZ 15 63 Egypt 19 40 158 ITl 19 Jordan )A g; Norway 20 J.t 46 31 Swis s 42 I2 1 2 5 Suriname 18 L6 11 Cyprus T9 z Oman 2 4 6 Thailand 28 3 ; , 1B Philippines 26 1 6 l 9 13 Qatar Liberia 1,2 4 Romania 4 Australia z 25 187 BeJ-gium 1 ; 4 B ¿J Spain 22 50 1 India 2 3 4 2 Sweden 4 1 2 ?tr Canada 5 3 Others 3 1 10 12 129

rotal 664,389 205,389 64, 440 19,994 23,849 LL,2'7

B

L

f

JJ¿

B

Total-

4

8,900 5, r66 6,228 3,119

2,56L 2,582 2, 4r2 r,5'7 9 1,858

2,323 8,066

159 3, 464 354 389 180 316 115 103 B9 6B

53 4B

43 T6

20 221

4I t9 11 1

43 580

84,014 86,264 r4g,182 r'72,I5'7 Lsg, gg5 r, 047, 034

Source: Pusat AKAN, Departemen Tenaga Kerja

Note: Statistics from 1 April 1919 to 31 March 1994 x No availabl-e data

Appendix 2: Village Questionnaire (Eng1ish Sunnary)

QUEST]ONNAIRE

IMPACTS OF ]NTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION

VILLAGE QUESTIONNAIRE

:

L992

Head of Village

I.

DEMOGRÄPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

1. Village Area: Census

L992 1990 1980 r971Area (Square

km)

. for agricuJ-tural- l-and . for house and yard . for other, specify

z

%

%

%

%

%

z

z

%

z

%

%

6

%

%

z

%

z

%

%

%

%

%

2

z

z

z

%

%

I I

*

2. Total household: r992: Census Census Census Census

1990: 1980: I97 I: L96L

z

3. The averag'e number in

househol-d

r992: Census Census Census Census

1990: 1980: I91 I: 196I z

4. The averaqe number of chil-dren in nucl-ear family 1992

Census Census Census Census

L96r

z

1990: 1980:

I9'7I 196I

z z

%

z z

5. Age structure of the Population Census

I91I

1961

age

mal-e femaÌe

male

1980

female

male

female

1990 male

female

1992

maÌe

female

0-4

5-9 l0-14 15-19 20-24 2>-/9

30-34

35-39 qo-44

45-49 50-54

55-59 60-64 65+

Total

6

Are there any persons who asked surat pindah from this vi I Iage ? A. YES b. No If YES, a.) how many surat pindah have been made for individuals ? What were

for their

b

the three most important reasons move

?

) how many surat pindah have been househol-ds

What were

for their

made

for

?

the three most important reasons move

?

1

Are there any persons who are reported/registered livingr in this village from another place? a

YES

b

NO

If YES: a.)

how many persons

reported?

as

(individualì-y) have been

What hrere the three most important reasons for them wanting to become dwell-ers in this viJ-Iage?

b

) how many heads of households (as a group) have reported? What were the three most important reasons for them wanting to become dwell-ers in

this village?

B. How many persons died during I919-1992 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 mf

âge

0-4

5-9 10-14

15-t

9

20-24

JU-J9

35-39

50=54

55-59 60-64 65+

Total-

mf

mf

mI

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

9

How many persons moved-out r91 9-r992

permanently during

1979 1980 r98r 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 199L 1992 åge

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

u-4

5-9

10-r4 15-19 20-24

25-29 30-34 35-3

9

40-4C

45-49 50-54 55-59

60-64 65+

Total

10. How many persons moved-in permanently during r91 9-r992

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 r99]. I992

mf

age

5-9 10-14 15-19 20-2

4

25-29 30-34

35-39 40-44

45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65+

ToLal

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

mf

11.

How many

infants were born during I919-1992 ma-l-e

]-9192

1980:

1981: 1,982

z

1983: 1984: 1985: 1_986:

I9B1: 1988: t_989:

1990:

]-99I

z

r992: Total-

female

Total

II .

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CIIÀR;A,CTERISTICS

12.

How many persons since I979?

have asked permission to work abroad

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 r9B7 1988 l9B9 1990 199I t992

agê

mt

mt

mt

mt

mf

mt

mt

mt

mt

mt

mf

mt

mt

mt

<20

2/o-24

25-29 3U-34

35-39 4rJ-44

45-49 50+

Totål

13. To what countries do they go to

total

Countri-es mal-e

L4.

How many

work?

total

female

persons have returned?

. . . .male

female

15.

How many vi 1 Iage ?

returnees are st1ÌI J-iving ín this ,.mal-e

female

16. How many persons who are staying in this village work outside the village? Year

Mal-e

Female

r_980 r- 981_

L982 1983 L984 1

985

r986 I981 198 B 198 9

1990 1991

r992

I'7.

How many

non-dwellers work in this village? Indonesian

Year L9 t9 1980 1-

98

r-

L982 t_

983

L984 1 985 198 6

1987 198 8 198 9 I 990 1_ 991

L992

Mal-e

Female

ForeigTner

MaLe

Female

18. Level of Education

I96I Census

191L Census

1

980

Census

19 90

L992

Census

None

PrÍmary School

Junior High School Senior

High

School-

Uni-vers

ity

19. a") Type of the Main Occupation 196r T91 I 1980 Occupation 1

¿

Census

Civil servant EmpJ-oyee

of state enterprise

Emp

oyee

of private enterprise

4. Army 5. Entrepreneur 6 Work for private Pens on

B. Student 9. No work

Census

Census

1 990 Census

r992

L9. b. ) Profession of main occupation Pro fess

ion

I96I Census

l-. Teacher

2.

Farmer

3. Farmhand 4. Breeder Work for breeder

5

6. Entrepreneur Adminis-

1

tration

Employee

Entreprise

ö

worker 9

Shop

10.

Restaurant servant

servant

1

1 . Housemaid

1

2.

13.

14. 15.

16. 11

.

18.

19. 20.

Driver

I91 I Census

1980 Census

1990 Census

r992

20. Type of

main occupation/professlon of the dweller according to the place of work:

Type of Occupation

L992

work in vj-11age

1980

work in

$/ork out

village

viJ-lage

work out

village

1. Civil- servant 2

3

4.

Employee of

state enterpri se Employee of

private enterpri se Army

5. Entrepreneur 6

Work for private

" Pension B. Student

1

9. No work

2I. Are there any unemployed in this viJ-lage at this time? â

YES

b

NO

If YES, how many:

1992 1990 1980

I I96I all of the houses in this village I91

22.

Do AS

i l- l-uminat i

b

NO

YES

on

?

use

electricity

If NO, \nrhat percentaqe of the houses use electricity as illumination?

in

19922 1990: 1980:

z I z

T91I:

%

I96I:

z

23. Do all of the househol-d in this village drlnking water from "PAMrr? a

YES

b

NO

use

If NO, what percentaqe of them are usinq it? in 1992: ...... z 1990: 1980: I91 I: 196T:

%

z % %

24. How many of the househol-ds have the following: Total

L992 1. car ¿

motorcycle

3. refrigerator 4. t.v 5. video 6. radio tape recorder

B. camera 9. bicycle 10. other:

1

990

1

980

r91

r

1961

continued

el-ectrical

IJ.

comp

]-4. chemist /pharmacy 15. medical centre 16. community health

L]

.

centre cl-inic for family planning

18. mosque 19. church 20. primary school

2L. junior high school-

22"

senior high

school 23. reJ-igion training

centre for advanced islamic studie s (pesantren) .... 24. agent for overseas empJ-oyment

25. recreation pIaces.... ¿o. 21

.

movie theater PKK (Pembinaan Kese jahteraan Keluarqa:the Movement for Family Welfare

Educat ion ) 28. t¡larteL (llarung Telepon =Smal-I Telephone

Office)

29. Other

....

b.) The main income of the village

(explain):

25. Streets in this village: asphalt 1992

z

1990

%

land

I

o-

9o

z

%

%

'o

1_980

I

1-91r

z

>o

%

6r

z

z

90

1-9

26.

gravel

of the following commercial vehivles are there in this village?

How many

Total

1992 1990 1980 L91L I 2 3

4 5 6

L96L

bus

colt/mini bus truck motorcycle tricycle

1

21. a.) In this village there are: Total

L992 1990 1980 r9'7r 1. 2. ')

4. 5. 6. 1. ô o.

1_0.

11. L2.

shop

smal-l shop

repair

shop

market bank co-operat ion/ union

factory train station bus station telephone office telegraph office post office

L96r

) Village Status: Traditional Developing ViJ-lage (Desa Swadaya) , since Transitional Developingr ViJ-J-age (Desa Swakarya), since More DeveJ-oped ViIJ-age (Desa Swasembada) , since

IIT. O P I N I O N 28. In this village there are people who have worked overseas.Do you think the economíc status of the migrant household is better than the non-migrant househol-d? a

ûo, economic status of migrant household is not

b

Y€S,

better

economic status of migrant household is

better

same

think the social status of the migrant househol-d is better than the non-migrant household?

29. Do you

a. Do, social status of miqrant household is not better b. y€s, social- status of migrant household is better c. same 30. Do you think the social behaviour of the migrant household is different than before? a

YES

!-

NO

If YES, what are the changes?

31. Do you think the economic behaviour of the migrant household is different than before? a

YES

l.-

NO

If YES, what are the changes?

32. What. do you think is the main reason that people work abroad?

33. Is there a middl-eman who recruited workers here? a

YES

b

NO

Do you have something to say about the middl-eman?

34. Was there any problem or difficulty rel-ating to overseas workers? a

YES

b

NO

in this village

If NO, give the reasons:

If YES, what were the problems, causes and how was it handled?

problem

causes

how handled

35. Are there any advantages or disadvantaqes from overseas workers for village deveJ-opment? advantage

disadvantage

you think that migrant workers are more active than non-migrants in any social organisation in this village such as soc j-al clubs, un j-ons, poJ-itícal groups?

36. Do

name of social

organisation

are there any migrant workers as members? a

yes

b

no

if yes, how active are they? l-ess active same

more active

t

yes

l-ess

b

no

same

a

yes

b

no

active

more act

ive

les s act same

ive

more act a

yes

b

no

l-es s same

more a ]-

ive

active active

yes

Iess act ive

no

same

more act

ive

31. Do you think overseas migrants have made a contribut ion ( ideas /money / activity in the process of deveJ-opment of this village? a. YES b. No )

If NO, why?

If YES, what are their contributions? a. what are their ideas?

b

how much money and for what has it been used?

c. in what activity do they participate?

38. Do you think overseas migrant are more modern than non-migrants in their behaviour and attítude? a.overseas mrgrants are Ies s modern than non-migrants b. overseas mi-grants are more modern than non-mlqrants c. same

If they are more modern, do you mean they do not fol-1ow the tradi-tions of this community?

39. In the future, do you think that there wil-l- be peopJ-e from here who work overseas? a

YES

b

NO

more

Please give the reasons

40. What are the big issues in reÌation to the overseas migrant workers in this viJ-J-age which are mentioned by many dwellers?

Àppendix 3: Listing of the Owerseas Ûlorkers , Sukasari, 1992 (English Surnmary) RT:

Desa

RK

Vill age/ Sub-village: POPULATION

TOTAL OF HOUSEHOLD:

No. Name of

OCW

Address

Returned/ still- abroad

Country of dest inat ion

Appendix 4: Household Ouestionnaire (Engl-ish

Summaryl

QUESTIONNAIRE

]MPACTS OF ]NTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION

(A) Respondent Number:

Returned Mígrant Household Questionnaire RESPONDENT: Head

of Househol-d

(head of household is not returned migrant)

Name:

Address: Rt RK Village City District Reqency Length of stay

: :

: :

List of household members who ever had or are still working overseas: Ever St abroad

Name

Lengt Country (1n years) desti-

nation

RC

dL

INTERVIEWER Name:

Date:

Time: from I

to

CHARÄCTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF HOUSEHOLD

I

Sex:

2.

Age:

a " Mal-e b. Female

ears

ons

p

to respondent

3. Place of birth:

Village/CiLyz District: Regency : Province:

Marital- status: a. If married,is it the first time married? a.yes b.no Your age when first married: If not the first marriage, which marriage now?: b. If unmarried, why?: c. If widower, why?: When did it happen: Your age at the first marriaqe:

4

of children (for married and widowers only): ReÌationshíp to OCW: a. Spouse b child c. Parent d. Other, specify: Number

5 6

1

. Religion:

B. Ethnic qroup: 9. Highest level- of formal education: a. Never go to school b. Primary School (unfinished) c. Primary School d. Junior High School (unfinished) e. Junior High School f. Senior High School (unfinished) g. Senior High Schoolh. Academy (unfinished) i. Academy j. University (unfinished) i. University Note: if unfinished, what level-: if did not qo on to tertiary 10. Type 11.

a

education, why:

of training/ course:

Main occupation: a. Civi] servant i No work j Student b. Employee of state enterprise c. Army d" Employee of private enterprise e. Entrepreneur f" Work for private g. Pens j-on h" Other, specify:

b. Profession of main occupatíon: a. Teacher: b. EmpJ-oyee, with task: c. Worker (e.gr construction worker) : d. Servant (e.g shop servant): e. Cook (e.g in hotel) : f. Farmer: q. Farmhand h. Breeder: i. Work for breeder ). Entrepreneur: k. Housemaid I. Merchant: m. Skilled labourer (barber/driver/blacksmith) n. Other, specify: fncome

per

month:

L2.

If not working, why:

13.

Place of main occupation a. In the vilJ-age b. Other viJ-lage within district c. Other district within regency d. Other regency within province: e. Other province: f. Overseas:

1,4.

Addit.ional occupatj-on (see 11a) :

15. 16.

Profession of additional occupation (see 1lb) : Income from additional occupation, per month:

r1

PIace of additional

.

:

occupation (see 13) :

Addit.ional question:

Other income besides that from main occupation and additional- occupation (e.g rent out the house / car) : a

b d e

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

er month

per per per per

month month month month

18. Activity in Activity t !p

d

home reqion

Never Sometimes Often Always

Recitation of the Koran (penqajian) Voluntary labour service (kerja bakti) Sport (olahraga) Program at viJ-lage level to educate women on various aspects of family wel-fare (pendidikan kese j ahteraanke Luarga)

ê

f

Things having to do with art (kesenian) Night watchman (ronda maJ-am)

g

h

Information/elucidation for example in family planning, agricuJ-tural extension, etc. (penyuluhan) Other, specify: Ever

I

)

Never

Policy of military personnel participating in village development projects (ABRI masuk desa) General election campaigrn

(kampanye peniTu) k Head village election campaign (kampanye pemiTihan kepala desa)

member

no

I. A member of cooperation of village unit (Koperasi tlnit ¡esa) m. Pol-itical organisation (partai poTitik) n. Other social- organisation (organisasi sosral), specify: 19. Activity (as number 1B) outside the a. Has activity, specify: b. Has no activity zu- The position in the village: Leader of religious orqanisation: a Leader of social- organisation : a Leader of political organisation: a

home reqion:

\IA jv"

Q

yes yes

b b b

no no no

2L. The members of the household: Name Age Sex -tslrtn Marlta-L Re.Latron- Age at Re-Lrgfon ECnnlc ÌgnesL group ÌeveI p.lace stalus first ship to of educmarrl age ocw ation

oLher

training/ cou r se

1 2 3

5 t)

I

2I. (Continued) Marn Protesslon occupaLion of main occupaLion

Place maln

oI

Iength

of work

occupaLlon (years)

L n

come

per

monLh

Sfnce when lived in Lhis house

SLày

ever/ never

rn/ ouL vi l Ià9e where

-LengLh

)

9

22. Activity of the househoÌd member in

home region:

Activit.y a

b

c d

f g h

i j k

I

m

n

Name

RecitaEr-on ot the Koran

Voluntary labour service

:

Sport Program aE village ÌeveÌ to educaLe women on varíous aspect s of family welfare Thi ngs having to do h,ith art Night watchman for example in family Information/elucidation planning, agricultural extension, etc. (specify): Other

Participate in po-licy of mj.liLary personnel participating ín village development projects ParticipaLe in general el-ec¡ion campaign ParLicipaLe in head village eÌection campaign Member of cooperaLion of vilÌage uniL Member poliLical organisation Member other social organisation (specify)

:

(as shown ln

21)

Status of house: a. Own lo. Rent c. Other, specify: 1Status of house five years aqo: a. Own b. Rent c. Other, specify: 24. a. The condition of the house: At present a Concrete wall

zJ " d

TJ

1,-

TJ

C

Five years

Concrete wal1 and board

b

board/bamboo

b. The size of the house: At present

Five years

c. Illumination a

25.

Some a 1^

ago

m2

m2

b

ago

of house

Five years At presenL a Electricity b Petromax (kerosene pressure l-antern) Other, specify: propertl-es:

At present Five years

Wet rice field

Unirrigated agricultural- field

c. Garden/yard d. Cow e. Water buf f al-o f. Goat q. House: . Concrete wall . Concrete wall and board .

board/bamboo

26. Total savinqs in the Rp At present Five year ago Rp

bank

ago

ago

Ha

Ha

Ha Ha

Ha Ha

21. Househofd expenditure (per month) a L\ L)

Food

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Clothing

House maintenance d e

f

g h I

Health Education S oap /t oothpaste / shampoo /powder and other thing for makeup j-on Pet ro Ieum/ f i rewo od/ gas

)

Donations

1

Savings

k m

n o

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Cigarettes Transportat

Tax (television/land

and other

Rent house El-ect ri c it y Other, specify

TotaI

Rp

28. Househol-d facilities

and furnishings: At present

Five years

ago

-Car

-Motorcycle -Refrigerate -TV

-Video -Radio -Tape recorder -Camera

-BicycIe -Sewing machine -Other, specify:

If you have a television: a

b

29.

a

Colour

Black and white

At present

Five years ago inch inch

inch inch

According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household at present?

L2345618 -:-

poore sc

10 9 richest

b

According to you, what is the posítion of the economy of your household five years ago?

L23

poorest (-

456189

10

richest

According t o you, what is the positíon of the economy o f your househoÌd

r2345618

poorest

in the next five years? 9 10 richest

30. Compared with five years â9o, what do you think the following conditions of your household are at present ? Better Unchanged Worse .House condition . Facil-ities and household furnishings .Food condition .CIothing condition .FuIfil-l-ment of education needs of children .Household income II.

REASON FOR WORKING OVERSEAS

(OnIy for returned

OCWs

)

31. Before working overseas for the first time, how many times did you move? (expJ-ain from the birthplace up to departure overseas)

No. Village/ District Regency Province Duration Reason Town / City for move 1. (birthplace) 2 3

32. How many tj-mes did you work overseas? Country

destínat ion

Duration Occupation

Waqe

(pro f es s ion

)

per

month

Reason work overseas * )

main

other

¿

3

I can not obtain a job at my place of orlgin b. My wage is not enough My wage is enougth, but I want more d. On duty (from my employer) ô Obtain experiences f. Make the piJ-grimage to Mecca g. Other, specify:

'<) a.

33. r otal- remittances during the time worked overseas: a The money you have brought to Indonesia: Rp b The money you have sent to Indonesia: Amount

1.

Rp

2

Rp

3

Rp

For

Through*

)

*) Bank/Friend/other, specify 34. Did you use the remittances for a business? a. No b. Yes If yes, what sort of business:

Rp Amount of capital- used How many workers do you use: How is the development of your business:

Besides business, for what else was it used?: f

f no, for what \^/as it used?

III.

THE PROCESS OF MIGRATION

(OnIy for returned

OCWs)

35. Your work experience before work overseas: Reason to Duration Profession Employer

chanqe j obs

1

(

first job)

z

36. From where did you first about workinq overseas: b

Newspaper Radio

d

Middleman

a

e

f

get informatj-on

Department of Labor

Friend Other, specify:

What is the content of that information which made you wish to work overseas:

31. Before you worked overseas, díd you have family, relatives or friends in the country you worked? a. Yes b. No If yes,

who? a

b d

How

Family Rel-ative Friend Other, specify:

often did you communicate with them: a. Often b. Rarely c. OnIy once d. Never

38. Aft.er you obtained information about working overseas,what steps did you undertake (explain chronologically): Sort of activity

The length of activity

The cost

The problem

1 2 3

4 5 6

7 B

9

t-0.

39.

Who first decided a Mysel f b

that you should work overseas

?

Toget.her wit Decided by

If the decision was made by yourself, did you feelthat someone influenced your decision (e.g your spouse or parent)? rf yes, who (explain):

Did you ask for an agreement/permission from (e.g your spouse or parent)? If yes, who:

someone

40. Did you spend any money for your journey abroad? a. Yes, paid for all: Rp b. Yes, paid for some: Rp c. No not at all Who

help to pay that cost? (explain)

4L. With

whom

a. Alone b. Group:

IV.

did you go overseas? ersons, headed by: A. PPTKI b. Other,

specify:-

IN THE COUNTRY OF EMPLOYMENT (Only for returned OCWs)

EXPERIENCE

42. Explain your first experience in the country of employment, whether it be sorrow and happiness, whether you have friends to help:

43. Whilst workinq overseas, how many times did you return to Indonesj-a? (give the reason of return)

44. Difficul-ties and problems in the country of employment:

Kind of difficulty/problem

Reason

1 2

)J

45

think that your work experience overseas l-s useful for your work here in your village? Explain Do you

V.

PROBLEMS

AT HOME

46. a. Difficulties present:

and problems in your household at

Kind of difficuÌty/problem

Reason

I 2

J

b

Did the difficulties and problems above, exist five years aqo? If yes which one(s):

Kind of difficulty/problem

Reason

I 2 3

41. What do you think the benefit was for your household after you worked overseas (Only for returned OCWs): Kind of benefit Reason L ¿

3

48. What do you t.hink the detriment was to your household after you worked overseas (Only for returned OCWs): Kind of detriment 1,

2 3

Reason

VI.

INTEGRATION AND PARTICIPATION UPON RETURN

49. When did you return (Only for returned

Date

Mon

OCWs)

:

Year

50. Are you happy to stay in this village after working overseas? (Only for returned OCWs): a. Yes b. alright c. No Reason:

51. When you returned, did you have plans to work in your place of origin? (Only for returned OCWs) Explain:

52.

long did you not work between returning and obtaining the current j ob (Only for returned OCWs)

How

months

Reason:

If at this time you are not working, f J.

d

Have you ever development ?

why.

contributed ideas to your villaqe's

a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: rf you have, what ideas?: b

Have you ever contributed money development ?

to your village's

a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: If you have, for what activity: Have you ever contributed village's development ? a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because:

manpower

to your

:

If you have, for what activì-ty: d. What tradition

you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradi[ion

do you like in your village?:-

VTT.

54.

FUTURE MIGRATION

Suppose you could get along well enough (where you are now) to provide food and other necessities for yourself and your family. Would you be willing to move to another place far from here where the language and customs are different,but you could live better than here? a. Move b. St.ay If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to obtain there: a. T\¡¡ice biggrer b. 3 X bigger c _ X bigger

55. At present, do you have f amily/relat j-ves/ f riends in other country who sti11 comunicate with you? a. Yes b. No If yes, who are they? name relationship to you

countrlr

status of stay

2 3

4

of sLay-

(permanent ins

or not

1_

durat.ion

VIII.

MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT

Circl-e (O) f or respondent: head of household .Cross (X) for respondent: return OCW .

56. (Educational and occupational aspirat.ions)

(rf there were If schooling is freely available kinds of obstacles) how much do you think children of people like yourself should have? a. Primary school b. Hiqh school c. Uníversit.y

no

b. A poor cultivator has only one son aged l0 years and greatly needs this son's full-time help in cultivation so the family can raise enough food Lo eat (well).But the son wishes to continue to attend school rather than work fulltime. What should the father decide to do ?If the respondent says "both", ask:which should the son qj-ve his main attention a. Work for the father to? b. Work and continue in school c. Continue in school without working for the father 51 . (Change orientation) T\Mo L2-year-old boys took t ime out f rom their work in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn (rice) witfr fewer hours of work. - The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good thing to think about. Tell me your thoughts about how we should change our ways of growinq corn (rice) . " - The father of the other boy (B) saj-d: "The way to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always done it. Talk about change will waste time and not he1p" Which father said the wiser words? a. A b. Both A and B C.

b

B

Some people say that a boy should be taught to prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things. Others say a boy shoul-d be taught to prefer the new and modern ways of doing things. What should a boy be taught to prefer? a. Only the traditional ways and things b. Both t.raditional and new ways/ things c. Only new ways and things

58.

(Ef f a

b

icacy)

Some say that a man born into a poor family will not better his condition even if he is ambitious and hard working. Do you t.hink such a man: a. Will surely fail to get ahead b. Will probably succeed c. Wj-1f surely succeed Some say that getting ahead in life depends on destiny. Others say that it depends on the person's own efforts. Do you think the position a man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on one's own efforts? a. Ent.irely on fate b. On fate and own efforts c. Entirely on own efforts

59. (Family size) a

What do you think is the best number of children for a man J-ike you to have during your lifetime?

children b Suppose you could adequately provide for and educate all the children you might have.How many would you want in that case? a. More t.han that b. One or two more c. The same number as I have s tated 60. (Kinship obligations )

Suppose a young man works in a factory. He has barely managed to save a very small amount of money. A first cousin comes to him and tel-ls him that he needs money badly since he has no work at all-. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savings with his first cous in? a. A stronq obligation b. A not so strongr obliqation c. No obligation b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the factory worker and said he had no money. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savingis with his dist.ant cousin? A stronq obligation b A not so strong obligation No obligation a

À

61,

.

s rights In general, do you (would you) discuss your work with your wife: a. Not at a1l b. Once in a while c. Often

(Women' a

b

)

both men and Suppose in a factory or office, did exactly the same sort of work, what

women

should be t'he pay they receive? a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more more b. Men should get a little c. It should be equal

QUESTIONNATRE TMPACTS OF TNTERNATTONAL LABOUR

MIGRATION

(B) Respondent Number:

Migrant Househol-d Questionnaire of HousehoLd (migrant is sti11 working overseas

RESPONDENT: Head

)

Name:

Address: Rt

Village/City District Regency Length of st.ay

List of household members who ever or are stil1 working overseas: Name

Ever/sti11

Length Country of Relationship ( in years ) destination to respondent

abroad

Note

If in the household there is a return OCW, use questionnaire A (if return OCW is not the head of household) or C (if return OCW is the head of household)

INTERVIEWER Name:

Date:

Time: from I

to

CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF

HOUSEHOLD

1. Sex: a. Male b. Female ) Age: years 3 Place of birth: Village /CiLy: District:

Regency : Province:

5

Marital status: a. ff married, it is the first time married? a. yes b. no Your age when first married: If not the first marriage, which marriage now?: b. If unmarried, why?: c. If widower, why?: When did it happen: Your age at the first marriage: Number of children (for marrj-ed and widowers only)

6

Relatj-onship to

7

Religion:

4

B

9

:

Ethnic group: Highest level of formal- education: a. Never went to school b. Primary School (unfinished) c. Primary School d. Junior Hiqh School (unfinished) e. Junior High Schoolf. Senior High School (unfinished) g. Senior High Schoolh. Academy (unfinished) i. Academy j. university (unfinished) i. University Note: if unfinished, what level: if did not go on to tertiary education,

10. TVpe 11.

OCW:

a. Spouse b child c. Parent d. Other, specify:

of traì-ning/course:

a. Main occupation: a. Civil servant

b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. ).

of state enterpri-se Employee of private enterprj-se Entrepreneur Work for private Employee

Army

Pension

Other, specify:

No work Student

why

b. Profession of main occupation: a. Teacher: b. Employee, with task: c. Worker (e.g construcLion worker): d. Servant (e.g shop servant): e. Cook (e.q in hotel): f. Farmer: g. Farmhand h. Breeder; i. Work for breeder j. Entrepreneur: k. Housemaid 1. Merchant: m. Skilled laborer (barber/driver/blacksmith) n. Other, specify: c. fncome per month: d. How long have you been work: years month 1-2 If not work, why: 13. Place of main occupation a. In the village b. Other village within district c. Other district withj_n regency d. Other regency within provi_nce: e. Other province: f. Overseas: 14. Additional occupatj-on (see 1l_a) 15. Profession of additionat occupation (see 11b) 76. Income from additional occupation, per month: 1-l Place of additional occupation (see 13 ) :

.

:

.

'

Additional question Other income besides that from main occupatron and additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car): a

b d e

LJ

er r r er

n er

month month month month month

18. Activity in home region Activity Never Sometimes Often a. Recitation of the Koran (pengajian) b. Voluntary labour service (kerja bakti) c. Sport (oJahraga) d. Program at village level to educate women on various aspects of family welfare (pendidikan kesejahteraankel-uarga) _ e. Things having to do with art (kesenian) f. Night watchman (ronda mal-am) q. Informatíon/elucidation for example in family planning, agricultural extension, etc. (penyuLuhan) _ h. Other, specify:

Always

Ever

Never

i. Policy of military personnel participating in village development projects (ABRI masuk desa) j . General- el-ection campaiqn (kampanye pemiTu) k. Head village election campaign

(kampanye pemil-ihan kepala desa) Member

No

1. A member of cooperation of village unit (Koperasi unit Desa) m. Political organizaLíon (partai pol-itik) n. Other social organisation (organisasi sosial-) , specify: L9. Activity (as number 18) out side the home reqion: a. Has activity, specify: b. Has no activity position in the villaqe: Leader of religious organisation: a. yes Leader of social orqanisation : a. yes Leader of political orqanisatíon: a. \tâcvr

20. The

_lf

b b b

no no no

21-. The members of the household: Nane AlJe Sex BirLh Maritaf ñr a^^ sLatus Prquu

Relationship to ocw

Àqe at Religion first marrÍage

EthDi,t: Highest grcrr11, level ,:,f e.l.r.r(.. ,ì l- i

Ol-ììer t r,1i rìi r)g/ (:rlUl

()Il

-qe

b

t

. (Continued)

21

I'l;._Ìì

r:,Cürtl:)af-i(:)¡

PrLrfe-qsion

Of main occupation

Pl-ace c)f I ength ln of work occupaLion (years )



Income

per

month

Since

whgrl

lrved in Lhis house

l:i.ì)/ ill /r-)ul. 1¡tll,ìever/where Iengi--l-, tìever

I

¿

3 4 E

6 7

c

22. Activity of the household member in home region: Activity Name (as shown in a. Recitation of the Koran b. Voluntary fabour service c. Sport d. Program at village level- to educate women on various aspects of family welfare e. Things having to do with art f . Nigrht watchman g. Information/elucidation for example in family planning, agricultural extension, etc.

21)

Other (specify) i. Participate in policy of miIítary personnel participating in village development projects j. Participate in general election campaign Participate in head village election campaign l. Member of cooperation of village unit organisation m. Member political n. Member other social organisation (specify) h.

:

:

:

l-

b

Status of house: a. Own b. Rent c. Other, specify: S tatus of house five years a

Own

b

Rent

:

:

:

:

ago:

Other, specify: 24. a. The condi,tion of the house At present Concrete wall b Concrete wall and board

Frve years

ago

b

î

board/bamboo

b. The size of the house: At oresent 'm2

Five vears -m2

ago

c. Illumination of house Five years ago At present a a Electricity b b Petromax (kerosene pressure lantern) Other, specify: 25. Some properties: At present Frve years ago Ha -Etd a Wet rice field b Unirrigated Ha agriculturaf field L

-Elct

-

Garden/yard

d

Cow

Ha

Ha

Water buffal-o f. Goat

ê

g. House:

.Concrete wal1 .Concrete wal1 and board .

board/bamboo

26. Total savings in the bank At present : Rp Five year ago: Rp 21. Household expenditure (per month): a. Food b. Clothing c. House maintenance d. Health e. Education f . Soap/toothpaste/ shampoo/powder and other thing for makeuP q. Cigarettes h. Transportation i. Petroleum/firewood/gas j. Donations k. Tax (television/land and other) 1. Savings m. Rent house n. Electricity o. Other, specify

:

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Total 28. Household facilities

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Rp

and furnishings At present

Frve years

ago

Five years

ago

-Car -Motorcycle

-Refrigerate _TV

-Video -Radio -Tape recorder -Camera

-Bicycle

-Sewing machine

-Other, specify: If you have a television:

a. Colour b. Black and white

At present

inch inch

inch inch

29. a. According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household at present?

r_2_3_4_56789

0

richest

poorest

b. According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household five years ago? 4 s 6 7 B 9 10 1, 2 3 poorest richest According to you, what is the posítion of the economy of your household in the next five years?

2 3 r poorest 30.

4

5

6

7

B

9

10

richest

with five years âgo, what do you think the following conditions of your household are at

Compared

present

?

.House condition .

Facilities

Better

Unchanged

Worse

and

household furnishings . Food condition

.Clothing conditíon . Fulfi-llment of education needs of chil-dren .Household income

31. Total remittances during time worked overseas: a. The money OCWs have brought t.o Indonesia: Rp b. The money OCWs have sent to Indonesia: Amount

32.

For

1. Rp 2. Rp 3. Rp *) Bank/Friend/other, specify Did you use the remittances for a business? a. No b. Yes

Through*

)

If yes, what sort of business: Amount of capital used : Rp How many workers do You use: How is the development of your business: Besides business, for what else was it used: If rro, for what was it used? II.

PROBLEMS

JJ.

d.

AT

HOME

Difficulties

present:

and probl-ems in your household at

Kind of dífficulty/problem

Reason

1-

2 3

b

and probl-ems above, is existed The difficulties five years ago? If yes which one(s):

Kínd of difficulty/problem

Reason

I 2,

)J

34. What do you think the benefit was for your household after the OCW worked overseas: Kind of benefit t_

2

)

J

Reason

35

" What do you think the detriment was to your household after the OCW worked overseas: Ki-nd

of detriment

Reason

l2 3

III.

SOCIAL PARTICIPATION

Have you ever contributed ideas villaqe' s development?

JO.d.

a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: If you have, what ideas ?

b

to your

:

Have you ever contributed village's development ?

of

money

to your

a. Often b. Sel-dom c. Never, because: If you have, for what activity: Have you ever contributed manpower village's development ?

to your

a. Often b. Sel-dom c. Never, because:

If you have, for what acLivity: d. What t.radition you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradition do you like in your village?:-

rV.

FUTURE MIGRA.TION

could get along well enough (where you are now) to provide food and other necessities for yourself and your family. Would you be willing to move to another place far from here where the languaqe and customs are different,but you could live better than here? a. Move b. Stay If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to obtain there: a. rwj-ce bigger b. 3 X bigger X bigger c 38. At present, do you have family/relatives/ friends in other country who st.ill comunj-cate with you? a. Yes b. No If yes, who are they? duration status relationship counLry name of stay of stay to you

37.

Suppose you

(permanent

or not

I 2 3

4

V.

MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT . .

Circle (O) f or respondent: head of household Cross (X) f or respondent: return OCW

39. (Educational and occupational- aspirations) a

(if there were no rf schooling is freely available kinds of obstacles ) how much do you think children of people like yourself should have? c. University a. Primary school b. High school

b. A poor cul-tivat.or has only one son, aged 10 years and greatly needs this son's full-time help in cultivation so the family can raise enough food to eat (we11).But the son wishes to continue to attend school rather than work fulltime. What should the father decide to do? If the respondent says "both", ask: which shoul-d the son grive his main attention to? a. Work for the father b. Work and continue in school c. Continue in school without working for the father 40. (Change orientation) a TWo L2-year-old boys t.ook time out from their work in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn (rice) witn fewer hours of work. - The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good thinq to think about. Tell- me your thoughts about how we should change our ways of growing corn (rice) . " father of the other boy (B) said: "The way The to qrow corn (rice) is the way we have always done it. Talk about chanqe will waste time and not he1p" Which father said the wiser words? d,.

¿\

b. Both A and c. B

b.

B

Some people say that a boy should be taught to prefer the o1d, traditional ways of doing things. Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new and modern ways of doing things. What should a boy be taught to prefer? a. Only the traditional ways/things b. Both traditj-onal and new ways and things c. Only new ways and things

4L (Efficacy) a

Some say that a man born into a poor famity will not better his condition even if he is ambitious and hard working. Do you think such a man: a. Will surely fail to get ahead b. Will probably succeed c. Will surely succeed

b

Some say that getting ahead in life depends on destiny. Others say that it depends on the person's own efforts. Do you think the position a man reaches in l-ife depends more on fate or more on one's own efforts? a. EntireJ-y on fate b. On fate and own efforts c. Ent.irely on own ef f orts

42. (Family size) What do you thj-nk is the best number of children for a man like you to have during your lifetime? chi-ldren b

Suppose you could adequately provide for and educate all the children you might have.How would you want in that case? a. More than that b. One or two more c. The same number as I have tol-d

many

43. (Kinship obligations) Suppose a younq man works in a factory. He has barely managed to save a very small amount of money. A first cousin comes to him and tell-s him that he needs money badly since he has no work at al-l. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savingrs with his f irst cousi-n? a. A strong obligation b. A not so st.rong obligatì-on c. No obligation b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the factory worker and said he had no money. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savings with his distant cousin? a. A strong obligation b. A not so strong obligat.ion c. No obligation 44 . (Women' s rights a In general, do you (would you) discuss your work with your wife: a. Not at all b. Once in a whil-e c. Often a

)

b. Suppose in a factory or office, both men and women did exactly the same sort of work, what should be the pay they receive? a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more b. Men should get a little more c. It should be equal Note: Before the OCW goes overseas, has he/she worked? a. Yes b. No If yes, what type of work: Why did the

OCW

work overseas?

QUESTIONNAIRE

IMPACTS OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION

(C) Respondent Number:

Returned Migrant Household Questionnaire

of Househol-d

RESPONDENT: Head

(head of household is ret.urned migrant

)

Name:

Address: Rt

RK

Vil-l-age/City District Reqency Length of stay

List of household overseas: Name

:

: : :

members who

Ever / still

ever or are still

working

Length Country of Relationship (in years) destination to respondent

abroad

TNTERVIEWER

Name:

Date:

Time: from

I

to

CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF HOUSEHOLD

1.

Male

Sex: b

2. Age:

Femal-e

years

3

Pl-ace

of birth: VilJ-age/City: Dist.rict: Regency : Province:

Marital status: a. If married, is it the first time Your age when first married: If not the first marriaqe, which b If unmarried, why?: If widower, why?: When did it happen: Your age at the first 5. Number of children (for married and

4

6

married?

a

yes

b

no

marriaqe now?: marriage: widowers only):

Religion:

Ethnic group: I Highest level of formal education: a. Never went to schoolb. Primary School (unfinished) c. Primary Schoold. .lunior High School (unf inished) e. Junior High School f. Senior High School (unfinished) g. Seni-or Hiqh School h. Academy (unfinished) i. Academy j. university (unfinished) i. University Note: if unf inj-shed, what levelif did not go on to terti-ary education, 9. TVpe of training/course: 10. a Main occupation: a. Civil servant b. Employee of state enterprise c. Army d. Employee of private enterprise e. Entrepreneur f . Work f or prj-vate g. Pension h. Other, specify: i. No work j. Student. 1

r

why

b. Profession of main occupation: a. Teacher: b. Employee, with task: c. Worker (e.g construction worker): d. Servant (e.g shop servant): e. Cook (e.g in hotel): f. Farmer: g. Farmhand h. Breeder: i. Work for breeder j. Entrepreneur: k. Housemaid 1. Merchant: m. Skilled labourer (barber/driver/blacksmith) n. Other, specify: c. Income per month: 11. If do not work, why: L2. Place of main occupation a. In the village b. Other village within district c. Other district within regency d. Other regency wj-thin province: e. Other province: f. Overseas: 13. Additional occupation (see 1-1a) 74. Profession of additional occupation (see 1l-b) l-5. Income from additional occupation, per month: 16. Place of additional occupation (see L2) '

:

Additional question Other income besides that from main occupatlon and additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car): a

p

b

er 1) er er LJ

Rp

d e

tl er month

Rp

month

tl er month

month month

17. Activity in Actrv:-ty

home reqion:

Never Sometimes Often Always

Recrtatron of the Koran (pengajian) t^ lJ. Voluntary labour service (kerja bakti) _ Sport (oJahraga) d. Program at village l-evel to educate women on various aspects of family welfare (pendidikan kesejahteraan keTuarga) _ Things having to do with art (kesenian) ç I. Night watchman (ronda a.

mal-am)

g. rnformat íon / elucidation

for

example in family planning,

agricultural extension, et.c. (penyuTuhan) _ h. Other, speci-fy:

Ever

) k

Never

Policy of military personnel participating in village development projects (ABRI masuk desa) General election campaiqn (kampanye pemilu) Head village election campaign (kampanye pemilihan kepaTa desa) Member

1 m

n

No

A member of cooperation of village unit (Koperasi Unit Desa) Political orqanisation (partai politik) Other social organisation (organisasj sosiaf), specify:

l-8. Activity (as number 7l) outside the home region: a. Has activi-ty, specify: b. Has no activity ]-9. The positj-on in the village:

Leader of religious orqanisation: Leader of social org'anísation : Leader of political organisation:

a a a

\/aa Jep

yes \7ôC Jf UU

b b b

no no no

20. The members of the household: Name Age Sex Birth Marital RefaClon- Aqe at

place status ship to ocw/

responcìent

Religion

flrst

EtÌ]lii. 9IOr11'

marr]-age

Ii

i gÌr+r:

r-

O

,.)f er,luc-

r_

r-he

r

ralnirlrJ /

C()ì_lI- -q e t i c,l.r

a

l

r

4 E

6

7 i

9

20. (l(:)Itinrlecì

¡lain

Professio¡r

clccr-tl-)ar-iLrn

of main

occupaLion

length Income of work per occupatlon (years) month PÌace of

mafn

Siuce wi-r:ti I'i..1y ill/,:,ì-ii- r¡il1ag'1 I ivecì in r-iri r: hou-qe

/

".¡ "t¡: I l1âl

\rhÊra leìlr;l-lt

1 2 3 4 tr

6

l I 9

2L. Activity

of the household

in home region: Name (as shown in 20)

memlf,er

Activity Recitation of the Koran b Voluntary l-abour service Sport

at village level to educate women on various aspects of family welfare Things having to do with art f Night watchman g fnformat ion / elucidation for example in family planning, agricultural extension, etc h Other (specify) d

Prog'ram

.

Participate in policy of military personnel participating in village development projects j. Participate in general election campaign k. Participate in head village election campaign 1. Member of cooperatj_on of village unit m. Member political organisation: n. Member other social organisation (specify) 1.

zz.

:

:

:

:

:

tatus of house:

d

Own

Rent

b b

e

Other, specify:

tatus of house five years

a

b

Rent

Other, specify:

23. a. The condition of the house: At present a. Concrete wal] b. Concrete wall_ and board

c.

ago

Own

board/bamboo

Frve years

ago

a

b C

b. The size of the house: Atp resent m2

c. lll-umination of house At present Five years a. Electric j-ty a b. Petromax (kerosene pressure lantern) b c. Other, specify: C

ago

ago

24.

Some

properties:

a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

Wet rice field

Unirrigated agricultural_ field

At present Five years _Ha -E1cl

Garden/yard Cow

Water buffalo . .

-Ha

Concrete wal_1 Concrete wal1 and board_

board/bamboo

25. Total savings in the bank At present : Rp Five year ago: Rp 26. Household expendit.ure (per month) a. Food b. Clothing c. House maintenance d. Health e. Education f . Soap/ toothpaste/ shampoo/powder and other things for makeup q. Cigarettes h. Transportation i. Petroleum/firewood/gas j. Donations k. Tax (television/Ìand and other 1. Savings m. Rent house n. Electricity o . Ot.her, speci fy

:

Total . Househol_d facilities -Car

-Motorcycle

-Refrigerate

-TV

-Video -Radio -Tape recorder -Camera

¡Ld -ü.i

Goat House: .

27

-Ha

ago

-Bicycle -Sewing machine -Other, specify:

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Rp

and furnishings At present

Frve years

ago

If you have a television: a

b

28.

At present

inch inch

Col-our

Black and white

Frve years ago inch inch

According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household at present?

a

L 2 poorest

3

4

s

6

1

B

10 9 richest

According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household five years ago?

b

B

r_2_3_4_s_6_1 poorest

9

10

richest

According to you, what is the position of the

of your househol-d in the next five years? 5 6 7 B 9 l_0 L_2_3_4 poorest richest economy

29.

five years â9o, what do you think the foll-owing conditions of your household are at

Compared with

present

?

.House conditron

Facilities and household furnishings . Food condition . Clothing condition of education . Fulfillment. needs of children .

.Household income

Better

Unchanged

Worse

rI.

REASON FOR WORKTNG OVERSEAS

30. Before workíng overseas for the first time, how many times did you move? (explain from t.he birthplace up to departure overseas No"ViL1age/ Distri-ct Regency Province Duration Reason Town/City for )

move

1-. (birthplace) ) 3

3l-.

How many

times did you work overseas?

Country

desti-nation

Duration Occupati-on

(prof ession

Wage )

per

month

Reason work

overseas*

main

)

other

I ) 3

*

a. I can not obtain a job at my place b. My wage is not enough My wage is enough, but I want more d. On duty (from my employer) ê Obtain experiences f. Make the pilgrimage t.o Mecca q. Other, specify:

of orígin

32. Total remittances during the time worked overseas: a. The money you have brought to Indonesia: Rp b. The money you have sent to Indonesia: Amount

1.

Rp

2.

Rp

3.

Rp

*) Bank/Friend/other, specify

For

Through*

)

id you use the remittances for a business? .No b . Yes If yes, what sort of busr-ness: Amount of capiLal used : Rp How many workers do you use: How is the development of your business Besides business, for what el-se was it used: If ro, for what was it used? D

a

III.

THE PROCESS OF MIGRATTON

34, Your work experience before work overseas:

Profession Employer 1

(

Duration

Reason to change j obs

first

j ob)

I

Z

3

35.

From where did you first working overseas ?

get information about

a. Newspaper b. Radio c. DeparLment of Labor d. Middleman e. Friend f. Other, specify: What is the content of that information which you wish to work overseas:

made

36. Before you worked overseas, did you have family, rel-atives or friends in the country you worked? a. Yes b. No If yes,

who? a b d

Family Relative Friend Other, specify:

often dj-d you communicate with them: a. Often b. Rarely c. Only once d. Never 31 . After you have obtained informati-on about working overseas,what steps did you undertake (explain How

chronologically )

Sort of activity

:

The length

of activity

The cost

The problem

1

z 3

4 5 6

7 I

9

10

38.

first decided that you should work overseas: Myself Together wit

Who a

b .-

Decided

If the decision was made by yourself, did you feel that someone inf l-uenced your decision (e.g your spouse or parent)? If yes, who (explain):

Did you ask for an ag'reement/permission from (e.g your spouse or parent) ? If yes,who:

someone

39. Did you spend any money for your journey abroad? a. Yes,paid for all: RP b. Yes,paid for some: RP c " No not at al-l Who helped to pay that cost? (expJ-ain) 40. With whom did you go overseas? a. Alone headed bY: a PPTKT b. Group: :

b

IV.

Other,

speci-

fy

-persons,

EXPERIENCE TN THE COUNTRY OF EMPLOYMENT

4L. Explain your first experience in the country of employment,whether it be sorrow and happiness,and whether you had a friend to helP:

42

did you (give reason return) the of return to Indonesj-a?

Whi-lst working overseas, how many times

43. Difficul-ties and problems j-n the country of employment:

Kind of dif ficul-ty/problem

Reason

1 2 ')

J

44.

think that your work experience overseas is useful for your work here in your village? Explain: Do you

:

V.

PROBLEMS

45.

a

AT HOME

Difficulties present:

and problems in your household at

Kind of difficulty/problem

Reason

I 2 3

and problems above,existed b. The difficulties five years ago? If yes which one(s):

Kind of difficulty/probfem

Reason

1-

2 3

46. What do you think the benefit was for your household after you worked overseas (Only for returned OCWs): Kind of benefit

Reason

1-

2 3

41. What do you think the detriment was to your household after you worked overseas (Onty for returned OCWs) Reason Kind of detrrment :

1-

) 3

VI.

INTEGRATION AND PARTICIPATION UPON RETURN

48. When

Date

did you return (On1y for returned Mon

OCWs):

Year

49. Are you happy to stay in this village after working overseas? (On1y for returned OCWs):

a. Yes b. alright c. No Reason:

50.

you returned, do you have plans to work in your place of origin? (On1y for returned OCWs) When

Explain:

5l-.

lonq did you not work between returning nths obtaining the current job:

How

Reason

If at this time you are not working, 52. a.

Have you

why?

ever contributed ideas for your

vì-l1age' s development? a. Often

b. Seldom c. Never, because: rf you have, what ideas ?

b.

I

Have you ever contributed money for your villagre's development ? a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: If you have, for what activity: Have you ever contributed manpower for your villagre ' s development ? a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: If you have, for what activity:

and

d. What tradition

you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradj-tion do you like in your village?:VII.

FUTURE MIGRÀTION

could get along well enough (where you provide food and other necessities for are now) to yourself and your family. Would you be willing to move to another place far from here where the language and customs are dif ferent,but you coul-d live better than here? a. Move b. Stay If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to obtain there: a. Tlvice bigger b. 3 X bigger c _ X bigger 54. A[ present, do you have f amil-y/rel-atives/ f riends in other country who still comunicate with you? a. Yes b. No If yes, who are they?

53.

Suppose you

name

t 2 3

4

rel,ationshj-p

to you

country

status

duration

of stay of stay (permanent or not

VTII.

MODERNTTY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT . .

Circle (O) f or respondent: head of household Cross (X) f or respondent: return OCW

55. (Educational and occupational aspirations)

b

If schooling is freely available (if there were no kinds of obstacles) how much do you think children of people like yourself should have? a. Primary school b. High school c. University A poor cultivator has only one son, aged 10 years, and greatJ-y needs this son' s full-time help in cultivation so the family can raise enough food to eat (well).But the son wishes to continue to attend school rather than work fulltime. What should the father decide to do thís?If the Respondent says "both", ask: which should the son give his main attention to? a. Work for the father b. Work and continue in school c. Continue in school wj-thout working f or the father

56. (Change orientation) T\,vo t2-year-old boys took time out from their work in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn (rice) witfr fewer hours of work. - The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good

thing to think about. Tell me your thoughts about our ways of growing corn /rj \ ! !v9¡a\ / - The father of the other boy (B) said: "The way to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always done it. Talk about change will waste time and not help" how we should change .

tt

Which father said t.he wiser words? a. A b. Both A and B c. B

b.

51

Some people say that a boy should be taught. to prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things. Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new and modern ways of doing things. What shoul-d a boy be taught to prefer? a. Only the traditional ways and things b. Both traditional and new ways/things c. OnJ-y new ways and Lhings

. (Effj-cacy) Some say t,hat a man born int.o a poor family will not better his condition even if he is ambitious and hard working. Do you think such a man: a. Will surely fail to get ahead b. Will probably succeed c. Will surely succeed b. Some say that getting ahead in life depends on destiny. Others say t.hat it depends on the person's own efforts. Do you think the position a man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on one's own efforts? a. Entirely on fate b. On fate and own efforts c. Entirely on own efforts a

58. (Family size) a

What. do you think is the best number of children for a man like you to have during your lifetime?

children b. Suppose you could adequately provide for and educate all the children you mighL have.How would you want in that case? a. More than that b. One or two more c. The same number as I have told. 59 . (Kinship obligations

many

)

a

Suppose a younq man works in a factory. He has barely manaqed to save a very small amount of money. A first cousin comes to him and tel-l-s him that he needs money badly since he has no work at all. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savingis with his first cousin? a. A stronq obligation b. A not so strong obligation c. No obligation

in the story I told you that it was not his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the factory worker and said he had no money. How much obl-igation do you think the factory worker has to share his savì-ngs with his distant cousin? a. A strong obligation b. A not so strong obligation c. No obligation 60 . (Women' s rights â In general, do you (would you) discuss your work with your wife: a. Not at all b. Once in a while c. Often b. Suppose in a factory or offi-ce, both men and women did exactly the same sort of work, what should be the pay they receive? a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more b. Men should qet a little more c. It should be equal b

Now suppose

)

QUESTIONNAIRE

IMPACTS OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION

(D) Respondent Number:

Non Migrant Househol-d Questionnaire RESPONDENT: Head Name:

Address:

of Household

RK RT Village/City District Regency Length of stay

: : : :

INTERVIEWER Name:

Date:

Time: from I

to

CHARÀCTERTSTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDTTIONS OF HOUSEHOLD

l-

. Sex: a. Male b. Female

2

Aqe:

3

Place of birth: Village/City: District:

years Reqency : Province:

4

Marital status: a. If married, it is the first time marri-ed? a v r b no Your age when first married: ff not the first marriage, which marriage now?: b If unmarried, why?: If wj-dower, why?: When did it was happen: Your age at the first marriage: -..:r

5. Number of children

(for married and widowers only):

Household Status: a. Head of household

6

a. Spouse b chi_ld c. Parent d. Other, specify: 1

. Religì-on:

8. Ethnic group: 9. Highest leve1 of formal education: a. Never went to school b. Primary School (unfinished) c. Primary School d. Junior High School (unf ini-shed) e. Junior High School f. Senior High School (unfinished) g. Senior High School h. Academy (unf j-nished) i. Academy j . university (unfinished) i. University Note: if unfinished, what 1evel: if did not qo on to tertiary education, 10. TVpe of training/course: 1-1.

Main occupatíon: a. Civil servant

b. c. d. e. f. q. h. i. j.

of state enterprise Employee of private enterprise Entrepreneur Work for private Employee

Army

Pension

Other, specify:

No work Student

b. Profession of main occupation: a. Teacher: b. Employee, with task: c. Worker (e.g construction worker): d. Servant (e.g shop servant): e. Cook (e.g in hot.el) f. Farmer: q. Farmhand h. Breeder: i. Work for breeder j. Entrepreneur: :

why

k

Housemaid

I Merchant: m Skilled laborer (barber/driver/blacksmith) n Other, specify: c. Income per month: months d. How lonq have you been working: years L2. If do not. work, why: 13. Place of maín occupation a. In the village b. Other village within district c. Other district within regiency d. Other reqency within province e. Other province: f. Overseas: 14. Additional- occupation (see 11a) 15. Profession of additional occupation (see 1lb) 16. Income from additional- occupation, per month: :

:

:

L1

.

Place of additional

occupation (see

-1

2\.

Additional question Other income besides that from mar-n occupation and additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car) per month Rp a :

p p

l^ lJ

d

p

e

1-8.

Activity in Activity

per r per r

month month month month

home region:

a. Recitation of the Koran (pengajian) b. Voluntary labour service (kerja bakti) c. Sport (of ahragra)

Never Sometimes Often Always

d

ê

at village level- to educate women on various aspects of family welfare (pendidikan kesej ahteraan keJuarga) Things having to do with art (kesenjan) Proqram

f

Night. watchman (ronda

g

Informat íon/ elucidation for example in family planning, agricultural- extension,

maJ-am)

h

etc. (penyuluhan) Other, specify:

-

Ever

Never

i. Policy of military Personnel participating in village development Projects (ABRI masuk desa) election camPaign Generall. (kampanye pemilu) k. Head village election camPaign (kampanye pemiTihan kePala desa)

no

member 1 m

n

A member of cooPeration of

village unit (Koperasi uniû Desa) Political orqanisation (partai poJitik) Other social organisation (organisasj sosiaJ-) , sPecifY:

19. Act.ivity (as number 1-B) out side t.he home region: a. Has activity, sPecifY: b. Has no activi-ty 20. The position in the village: Leader of religious organisation: Leader of social organisation : Leader of political organisation:

a a a

yes yes yes

b b b

no no no

2I. The member of household: Nalne Age Sex Birth Marit.al Rel-ation- Àqe at

place status

ship to

first

ReÌigion Er-ììrìi,- :-:girest

OtheL

gr(:rrll) l:v:l :,i eClrlC-

respondenL marriage



F,l ¡1illill.J/ C(,)ì-ìt -q3

i I r:)tl

F

1

9

21. (lÕnLinrle.l.

Main l-

Professlon

cìll,,rt.ic)n of main

c,i

occupation

Place of leDqtÌr Income main of work per occupaci()n(years) monLh

engt h

SiÌlce wlìe]] lii,., :rL I i vecl in

this horrs:

/,-,r.rL

1¡iiÌ.ì.f:

=\r1¡7 wìrEl: tì:t¡:l

-T

3 4 c (ì

1

22. Activity

of the household member in home region: Name (as shown

Actrv:-ty

a. b. c. d.

Recitation of the

Koran

Volunt.ary l-abour service sport

Program at village 1evel to educate women on various aspects of family welfare e. Things having to do with art f . Night watch.man g. Informatíon/elucidation for example in family planning,

in 2I)

agricult.ural extension, etc . Other (specify) i. Participate in policy of military personnel participating in village development projects j. Participate in general election campaign k. Participate in head village election campaign ]Member of cooperation of village unit m. Member political organisation n. Member other social organisation (specify) h.

ZJ.

d,

Status of a. Own b. Rent -

b

ôll.r ar V U¡¡9!

c tatus a Own

b

,

: :

:

:

:

: :

:

house:

speci fy

:

of house five years

ago

Rent

Other, specify: 24. a. The condition of the house: C

a

b c b

At present Concrete wall Concrete wall and board

Frve years

ago

a

b

board/bamboo

C

The size of the house: At present

Frve ye ars m 2-

ac[O

c. Illumination of house At present Frve years Electricity a b Petromax (kerosene pressure l-antern b Other, specify: C

ago

q

)

25.

Some

a. b. c. d.

properties Wet rÍce field

At present Five years Ha

Unirrigated agricultural field Garden/yard Cow

_rfo.

-Ha

U-

ago ¡1

ci

110 .lt cl

e. Water buffalo C

L.

g.

^^-L Lr(Jd. L

House:

. Concrete wall.Concrete wal1 and board .

board/bamboo

26. Total savings in the bank AL present : Rp Five year aqo: Rp 27 . Househol-d expenditure (per month) a. Food b. Clothing c. House maintenance d. Health e. Education f . Soap/toothpaste/ shampoo/powder and other things for makeup g. Cigarettes h. Transportation i. Petrol-eum/firewood/gas j. Donations k. Tax (television/l-and and other) 1. Savings m. Rent house n. Electricity o. Other, specify

,

Total

28. Household facilit.ies and furnishings At present -Car

-Motorcycle

-Refrigerate _TV -vfcleo -Radi-o

-Tape recorder -Camera

-Bicycle -Other, specify: -Sewing machine

Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp Rp

Rp

Five years

ago

If you have a television: At present Fj-ve years ago inch inch a. Colour inch inch b. Black and white ,o

Accordì-ng t.o you, what is the position of the economy of your household at present?

-

r_2_3_4 poorest

5

6

7

B

9

10

richest

b. According to you, what is the position of the economy of your household five years ago? 1 l_0 6 B 9 r_2_3_4_5_ poorest rj-chest According to you, whaL is the position of the economy of your household in the next five years? 10 6 7 B 9 5 r_2_3_4 richest poorest 30.

with five years â9o, what do you think the following condit.ions of your household are at

Compared

present

?

.House condition

Better

Unchanged

Worse

Facilities and household furnishings . Food condition .Clothing condition . Fulf ill-ment of education needs of children .

.Household income IT

PROBLEMS

AT

HOME

Difficul-ties and problems in your household at

3l_

present:

Kind of difficul-ty/problem 1 2 3

Reason

b

and problems above, existed five The difficul-ties years ago? If yes which one(s):

Kind of dif ficulty/problem

Reason

1 a

3

III.

SOCfAL PARTICIPATION

ever contributed ideas for your village' s development? a. Often b. Seldom c. Never, because: Have you

If you have, what ideas?: b

Have you

ever contributed money for your

villaqe's development a. Often b. Sel-dom c. Never, because:

?

If you have, for what activity: c

Have you ever contributed manpower for your vilJ-age' s development? â

b

Often Seldom

Never, because:

If you have, for what activity: d. What tradition you do not like in your village?: e. What tradition

do you l-ike in your village?:

IV.

FUTURE MIGRATION

could get along well enough (where you provide food and other necessities for are now) to yourseÌf and your family. Woul-d you be witling to move to another place far from here where the lanquaqe and customs are different,but you could live better than here? a. Move b. Stay If you wish Lo move, how big an income do you want to obtain there: a. Twice bigger b. 3 X bigger c _ X bigger 34. At present, do you have famíly/relatives/ friends in other country who stil-I comunicate with you? a. Yes b. No If yes, who are they? status durat ion relationship country name of stay of stay to you (permanent or not

33

Suppose you

"

L 2 3

4

V.

MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT . .

Circl-e (o) for respondent: head of household Cross (x) for respondent: return OCW

35. (Educational and occupational aspirations) a

If schooling is freely availabl-e (if there were no kinds of obstacl-es) how much do you think children of people like yourself should have? a. Primary school b. High school c. University

b. A poor cultivator has only one son, aged 1-0 years, and greatly needs this son's full--time help in cultivation so the family can raise enough food to eat (wel]).But the son wishes to contínue to attend school rather than working full-time. What should the father decide to do?ff the respondent says "both", ask: which shoul-d the son give his maj-n attention to? a. Work for the father b. Work and continue in school c. Continue in school without working for the f at.her

36

.

(Change a

orientat

j-on

Two l2-year-oJ-d boys took time out from their work in t.he corn (rice) fields. They were trying to figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn (rice) wittr fewer hours of work. - The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good thing to think about. Tell- me your thoughts about how we should change our ways of growing corn (rice) . " - The fat.her of the other boy (B) said: "The way to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always done it. Talk about change wilt waste time and not heJ-p " Which father sai-d the wiser words? d.

.É\

b. Both A and C. B

b.

)

B

Some people say that a boy should be taught to prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things. Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new and modern ways of doing thi-ngs. What should a boy be taught to prefer? a. Only the traditional ways and things b. Both traditional- and new ways/things c. Only new ways and things

37. (nfficacy) a

say that a man born ínto a poor family will not better his condition even if he is ambitious and hard working. Do you think such a man: Some

a. WiIl surely fail to get b. Will probably succeed c. Will surely succeed

ahead

b

Some say that getting ahead in life depends on destiny. Others say that it depends on the person's own efforts. Do you think the position a man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on one's own efforts? a. Entirely on fate b" On fate and own efforts c. Entirely on own efforts

38. (FamiIy size) u

What do you think is the best number of children for a man 1i-ke you to have during your lifetime?

children b. Suppose you could adequately provide for and educate all the children you might have.How many would you want in that case? a. More than that b. One or two more c. The same number as I have stated.

39. (Kinship obligations) Suppose a young man works in a factory. He has barely managed to save a very small amount of money. A first cousin comes to him and tells him that he needs money badly since he has no work at atl. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share his savings with his first cousin? a. A strong obligation b. A not so strong obliga[ion c. No obligation b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the factory worker and said he had no money. How much obligation do you think the factory worker has to share hís savings with his distant cousin? a. A strong obligation b. A not so strong obliqation c. No obligation 40 . (Women's riqhts rn general, do you (wou]d you) discuss your work with your wife: a. Not at all b. Once in a while c. Often â

)

in a factory or office, both men and exact.ly the same sort of work, what should be the pay they receive? a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more b. Men should get a littl-e more c. It should be equal Suppose

b

VI.

women dj-d

PERCEPTION OF MIGRÀ,NT HOUSEHOLD

41,. Do you have

a. Yes b. No If yes,

How

who?

family, relatives or friends overseas? a. b. c. d.

Family Rel-ative Friend

Other, specify:

often dj-d you conìmunicate with a. Often b. Rarely c. Only once d. Never

them:

42. Have you heard information about working overseas ? a

.

YeS

b .No

If y€s, from where did you first a . Newspaper b . Radio . Department of Labor d . Mi-ddleman ô . Friend f . Other, specify:

43.

Why

hear:

you do not wish to work overseas?

44. Accordíng to you, what was the condition of your neigrhbour (OCW household) before they worked overseas ?

Better .House condition .

.

Clothi-ng condition

Facilities

and

household furnishings . Economic condit,ion . Food condition . Fulfillment of education needs of children . Their living standard

.Other, specify:

Unchanged

Worse

Appendix 5: The Score of Socio-Economic Variables

(The socio-economic status of households are measured by using four variables: education and employment of the head of household and the income and property/wealth of the household. Each variable is given a score from l- to 5. Scores of L-2 are given for low socio-economic status, 3 for middle and 4-5 for high status. )

(1)

Education of head of household . No schooling/noL finish Primary School . Primary School . Junior Hiqh School . Senior High School . Tertiary Education

of head of household Other (tailor, craftsman, domestic he1p, and other) Driver, Conductor Farmer, Sma1l trader

score 1 2 3

4 5

(2) Employment

. . . . .

(3

)

Income

Worker/emPloYee, entrepreneur Teacher

of the Household (per Rp 150,000 and less Rp 1-51,000 - 300,000 Rp 301,000 - 450,000 Rp 45L,000 - 600,000

3

4 5

month)

Rp 601,000 and over

(4)

1 2

1 2 ? A

5

Wealth of the Household

a. t.he house . Status of the house -other -stay with parents -parents house -rent house -own house . Condition of the house -not Permanent .

-semi-permanent -permanent

1 2 ?

4 5 -)

4 5

Housespace

- L2-45

m2

- +i-i3o0 ii m2 -1-51-2

-20t

>

0

1 2 3 4 5

House illumination

-) J

-other -"petromak" (kerosene Pressure lantern) -el-ectricity TVpe of house

4 5

-"panggung" (stage house)

4

-ordinary house . Cleanliness of the house -dirty -not bad -cIean . The floor of the house

5

I 2

3 1

-wood/bamboo

-cement

-floortile ("tegel") - " teraso " (better than f l-oortil-e -ceramics . Physical building of the house -bad

b

-not bad -good other proPertY . Wet rice field -0 - I-20 acres -2L-30 acres

.

3 )

4 5

1 3 5

(

"sawah"

)

-3I-40 acres -41--50 acres -51 > . Unirrigated agricultural field ("ladang") -0 - L-20 acres -21--30 acres -31-- 40 acres -41-50 acres -51- >

2,

0

I

2 ') J

4

) E

0

I

) 1

J

4 5

Cows

-0 - 1-3 . Water buffalo -0 - 1-3 . Goats

-0 -z

-) ') -4 -5

0

5 0 5 0

I

2 3

4

Car

- do not have - have Motorcycle - do not have - have Refrigerator - do not have - have Televi-sion - do not have - have Video - do not have - have Radio - do not have - have Tape - do not have - have Camera - do not have - have Bicycle - do not have - have Sewing machine - do not have - have

0

5 0 3 0

3 0 3 0

3 0

t

0

1 0

z 0 2 0

2

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The impact of international labour migration in Indonesia - Adelaide

r5-l^ql THE IMPACT OF IIITERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR.ã.TION IN INDONESIA by RI.ãI{TO ADI Thesis subûitted in fulfilment of tÏ¡e requi-rements of ttre ...

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